Political Resolution of the 18th Congress of KKE
The 18th Congress of KKE was held on 18-22 of
February 2009 at the conference hall, at the headquarters of the CC of KKE in
Perissos, Athens, in an atmosphere of revolutionary optimism, high
responsibility towards the working class and our people, forging the party’s
ideological-political unity, maturation and determination in order to make the
Party even more powerful, able to proceed in a phase of a new great
counter-attack. The 18th Congress approves the Thesis of the CC of KKE, having
taken into consideration the discussion and votes in favour at the Party’s Base
Organisations (PBO) and the conferences of district, prefectorial, regional and
cities’ organisations. The 18th Congress also approves the report of the CC at
the Congress and the one of the Central Audit Committee.
On the basis of the documents and after taking
into consideration the comments of the Party members in the pre-congress
assemblies and conferences, the 18th Congress publishes the following Political
Resolution which sets and specifies the tasks of the Party until the 19th
Congress.
1.
General assessment
The new element that characterises the developments,
under which the 18th Congress of KKE was held, is that they can lead to the
rise of the class struggle, to the joint struggle of the labour movement along
with the movement of the poor and medium sized peasants, the tradesmen, the
craftsmen and the self-employed, as well as to the strengthening of the Party.
The diminished validity of the two bourgeois parties, ND and PASOK, along with
the further establishment within the people of the view that there are no
substantial differences between them, shows that nowadays these two parties
cannot assimilate popular masses with the ease they used to. They cannot move
forward to general benefits to large sections of the workers, compared to
yesterday, showing the limits of the capitalist system.
The most important element of the developments is
the economic crisis which is widely manifested to the capitalist world. It
confirms positions and facts that our Party has declared for years; it brings
to the surface more distinctively than in the past the other path of struggle
and development, the issue of the socialization of the basic and concentrated
means of production, workers’ state
power, the central planning and workers’ control. Under such conditions, the
question in which direction will the developments lead, if the positive
processes will get stronger, is judged by the correlation of forces.
The 18th Congress of KKE defines as firm and clear
target of the whole Party the counterattack at all levels, the strengthening of
KKE, establishing a Party in full preparedness to meet the challenges under any
conditions and turning points in the revolutionary class struggle. Our Party
must be ready to rise to the occasion on a sharp rise of the class struggle, on
ups and downs, difficulties or temporary reversals. It must act effectively, to
the extend it depends on it, so as to promote the various movements in an
anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist direction that constitutes a prerequisite for
the formation for the Anti-imperialist Anti-monopoly Democratic Front (AADF) as
a sociopolitical alliance for the People’s Power and People’s Economy. It must
stress the necessity and possibility of establishment of socialism–communism
that constitute the only realistic and effective response to the capitalist
economic crisis, against the exploitation, the oppression and the imperialist
barbarity.
The Congress, considering its course since 1991 and
mainly during the last 4 years since the 17th Congress, confirms the
assessments on the Thesis of the CC of KKE.
The 18th Congress considers that the Party is in a
phase of progress and maturation and it has become stronger and more
experienced; now it can make new steps of progress. First of all, it must
establish powerful Party Base Organisations (PBO) at the workplaces and
reinforce the recruitment of young workers -both men and women- for the
improvement of its social and age composition. It must support the development
of KNE so that it becomes even more powerful and massive.
2.
The study of the causes of
the victory of the counterrevolution, the relevant conclusions and the
revitalisation of the actuality of socialism will give a boost to the
effectiveness of the Party’s action
The Congress underscores that the two
resolutions constitute an indivisible whole: the Political Resolution on the
goals of struggle until the 19th Congress and the assessments regarding the
socialist building during the 20th century, that enrich the programmatic
perception of the Party of Socialism.
The 18th Congress remarks that the study of
both positive and negative experience from the socialist
revolution-building-development constitutes a priority for KKE so as to be more
effective, to have a scientifically processed revolutionary strategy and give
answers to the big contemporary problems.
Today, this task has become more imperative.
In a period of intensified confusion over the causes that led to the capitalist
restoration, of intensified disappointment, diminished hopes and big questions
about whether there is a real way out socialism is not an abstract and
indefinite vision; it’s KKE’s strategic target. Our Party is based on this
point of view in order to define its position on the everyday problems of the
workers, its tactics on the political struggle and its action within the
labour, trade union and people’s movement.
The Political Resolution of the 18th Congress
and the Theses on Socialism-Communism contribute to the ideological and
political readiness of the Party and to its preparation for the difficult
battles to come. Nowadays, the anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist struggle is objectively
integrated into the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and more
anti-capitalist than ever. There are no barriers between the rally and the
struggle of the anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly forces and the struggle for
socialism.
The Resolution on socialism is a contribution
to the international communist movement, to its struggle against imperialism
and wars, in order to overcome its crisis that begun in 1991 and is still under
way.
It offers weapons for the ideological and
political conflict with the various bourgeois and petty bourgeois theories, the
social-democracy and the opportunist perceptions and illusions, the old recipes
that appear again today as something “new”, for a supposed “socialism with
freedom and democracy”, regarding the “national particularities of socialism”
that can only lead to the perpetuation of the capitalist system.
3.
The economic crisis of
capitalism and the direction of the Party’s action
The 18th Congress spots as basic characteristic of
the developments internationally and in our country, during this period and the
following years, the capitalist economic crisis at international level. It’s a
crisis that has hit
In
During the period of crisis it becomes even more
apparent the unreconciled contradiction between the socialisation of the
production and the capitalist appropriation of the produced wealth. All
contradictions of the capitalist economy burst out at the same time violently.
The bourgeois management in all its variations
–classic liberal or socialdemocrat- in EU zone and in the rest of the EU,
cannot stop the burst out of the crisis; in fact it brings forward further
intensification of the problems of the working class, of the majority of the
workers. It will increase poverty and penury and will intensify state violence
and repression; at international level it will lead, in most cases, to the
revitalizing of the imperialist wars under way and to the outbreak of new ones.
The working class and the popular strata in our
country have no benefit from “solutions” that help the system get over its
crisis. The class oriented labour movement must disclose, reject and oppose to
the deliberately misleading views on a “common problem”, “of joint
confrontation”, “regulation”, “rehabilitation”, “humanisation” of capitalism,
that “demonise” liberalism just to save capitalism.
The bourgeois political forces, the managers of the
system, in our country as well, are concerned about the existing danger of not
being able to control the impact of the crisis on their political stability.
However, the danger of an economic and political destabilization of the
bourgeoisie is a hope for the labour and people’s forces.
Under these circumstances, KKE turns its attention
and its whole activity and subordinates its action to the direction of the only
real way out for the people and the youth; the acceleration of the process of
reconstitution of the labour movement, of the people’s alliance with the forces
of the self-employed and the small and medium scale peasants, for the
reinforcement of the world-wide labour movement.
In conditions of crisis the workers must
counterattack and intensify the class struggle. Every step behind this
anti-imperialist anti-monopoly line of struggle means nothing but retreat and
integration.
The Party must handle new, even greater demands
regarding the ideological struggle, the struggle of ideas within the lines of
the movement, the need -along with the main objective to diminish the influence
of the bourgeois perceptions and views- to deliver an ideological and political
blow to the reformist and opportunist forces that constitute the main obstacle
in the unity on a class basis, in the social alliance, in the radicalisation of
people’s consciousness and action, in the formation of a single sociopolitical
front that will organise the struggle for the overthrow of the monopoly power
in favour of the People’s Power and People’s Economy.
4.
The orientation of the
movement’s struggle - The mass ideological and political action of the Party
Nowadays, there are two lines of mass
ideological and political confrontation, within the Greek society, that
collide:
The first line of development is the one we
have known all these years, and has become even harder over the last twenty
years, especially after the Treaty of Maastricht. It’s the path that serves the
interests of the capital and the monopolies and consolidates the EU and NATO
choices.
The other line is the one that promotes the
Anti-imperialist, Anti-monopoly, Democratic Front of struggle, the sociopolitical
alliance of the working with the self-employed and the owners of small and
medium scale farm holdings, to leads to the People’s Power and Economy. It is
the way which recognises the worker as the only producer of wealth and the
satisfaction of the contemporary social needs as the incentive of production.
Nowadays, it is even more crucial and
essential to promote the viewpoint that the struggle against acute problems,
the consequences of the crisis and the new anti-worker, anti-people measures
must turn into a struggle against the power of monopolies and their imperialist
unions.
Today, the objective conditions for wider
parts of the working class, of the people, of young men and women to take
action are being created. Under the pressure exerted by the enormous problems
it is possible that the struggle takes up sharpened and elevated forms that
might bring intense repression. The new popular masses with little or minor
social and political experience that join the struggle should be supported by
the intense ideological and political intervention of the Party, the
development of collective forms of action through the class-oriented trade
unions -through PAME and PASY- of the self-employed, small tradesmen and
craftsmen movements, as well as other ways to rally forces. This way the
indignation of the people, as far as permitted by the conditions, will turn
into political conscience and maturing focusing on the two ways of development
and evolution of the Greek economy and society in general. This will reinforce
the anti-imperialist anti-monopoly conscience and will contribute to the
understanding of the significance of the AAD Front as a sociopolitical alliance
in combination with the overall support and strengthening of KKE that is a
guarantee for the struggles and a correct direction for the movement, as well
as for the effectiveness of the struggles and the ability of the movement to
act under any circumstances.
Our Party, throughout its 90-year-old course,
has concentrated, and still does, its attention to its action within the
working class, the youth, women, the working people, the mass organisations,
the movements, and generally the popular masses. Similarly to the direction
followed in the last 4 years, our party’s obligation is to be profoundly familiar
with the people’s problems, to be ready to fight and organise the struggle, to
reinforce every popular action, taking into account all the needs and demands
in each sector, at the workplaces, at municipality or neighbourhood level, even
if they concern a small or bigger group of people. A crucial element of our
Party’s efficiency is its action within the working class and its allies, that
is, the poor peasants and the self-employed who will have benefits from the
struggle against the monopolies and imperialism and objectively represent the
social forces of the AAD Front. The correlation of the working class and
its allies in the movement will determine the massiveness, the range, the
effectiveness of the struggle and the concentration of forces fighting for
counterattack, rupture and overthrow.
The ideological conflict must impregnate the
practical action and, in certain cases, it must even attain priority with
special campaigns and organised activity opening the debate with the masses,
above all with the employees, implementing adequate forms, in the places of
residence, in the workplaces, in each branch and sector. The ideological
conflict is a key prerequisite for the organisation of the workers and people’s
masses. Nowadays, the ideological counter-attack represents the most important
factor of organization of the people’s disillusionment and especially the
employees along with the new shift of the working class, that is, the youth.
There are similar requirements regarding the agricultural movement, particularly
the small and medium scale peasants and the self-employed.
5.
The regroupement of the
workers’ movement - The social
The 18th Congress stressed that it wouldn’t be
possible to prevent the worst they prepare for the people and the youth if the
movement remains solely in a policy of deterrence and dubious defense. Neither
the ordinary struggles can be effective, nor the alternation of bourgeois and
petty bourgeois compromised parties on the government, of majority or
coalition, can not bring anything good for the people.
It calls upon the members of the Party and KNE,
friends and supporters, forces cooperating with the Party within the movement,
the radical and consistent militant people in order to join efforts for the
regroupement of the labour movement and of its allies.
Regroupement means:
a)
Encouragement of new labour masses to take part in the
organised action, to contribute actively in the process for the movement’s
development and the formation of a common front of struggle. This front will be a social alliance that, through
the particularities and singularities of each movement, will deal in a unified
way with economic, social and political issues. Those masses unite in a single
goal of struggle against the power of the monopolies, in order to form a new
kind of power. The People’s Power is totally different from the power of the
monopolies concerning its content and the ways it is exercised; it’s the result
of their overthrow.
Apart from
the experienced and conscious sections of the working class and the popular
strata, an impetus to the regroupement of the movement may give the fighting
forces of younger workers, men and women, immigrants and their families, the
self-employed in the city and the countryside, workers that decide to fight
again organized. Specific action must be taken for the young working mothers
that have objectively difficulty in understanding the need to overcome any
hesitation due to actual obstacles.
b)
Conquest of an anti-monopoly anti-imperialist
orientation of struggle of the labour movement first all and of the allies of
the working class
Practical measures must be taken to uncover the harmful and destructive
role that played and still does within the tertiary organs GSEE (General
Confederation of Greek Workers), ADEDY (Supreme Administration of Greek Civil
Servants Trade Unions), GESASE (General Confederation of Greek Agrarian
Associations), SYDASE (Confederation of Democratic Agrarian Unions), PASEGES
(Panhellenic Confederation of Unions of Agricultural Cooperatives), GSEBEE
(Hellenic Confederation of Professionals, Craftsmen and Merchants) and ESEE
(National Confederation of Hellenic Commerce) and within a large part of
secondary organs, as well as primary trade union organisations in large
workplaces, the dominance of the forces of ND and PASOK, and generally of those
who support openly or indirectly the dominant policy, the EU strategy, such as
SYN/ SYRIZA.
Today, it is not enough for the movement to set some positive goals. What
determines the effectiveness of the movement, its role in a positive
perspective is an ideological and political framework that supports these goals
of struggle. The «unity towards the problem» or the «struggle against problems»
in general are not enough; what is important is the political framework, its
demands, ideological positions and the aim of struggle. The labour movement, as
required by the struggle, must achieve an anti-monopoly anti-imperialist
orientation, to develop a front to confront the bourgeois ideas and
perceptions, reformism and opportunism, on the basis of the experience that
develops the working class through the mass struggles. The ideological,
political and economic struggle is conducted in a single way; it cannot be
divided in separate units.
It is very important for the employees and the working people in general,
who are influenced by our targeted and constant action, to use their own
experience and start pursuing the alternative path of development, opposed to
the monopolies and the imperialist policies. We must get across what the
profits for the vast majority are from People’s Power and Economy that can
express the interests of all those who agree with the necessity of a struggle
against the power of the monopolies though may have a different opinion
regarding the socialist perspective.
A basic prerequisite for people’s movement to counterattack, along with
the vanguard of the labour movement is also the effective struggle against
reformism and opportunism, the confrontation of the plans of the dominant class
to utilise the so-called anarchist-autonomist and anti-authority forces, any
group or political force that presents itself as “revolutionary” and
“anti-capitalist”, in combination with the anti-communist psychosis, with
slogans and arguments taken from the arsenal of the most extreme anti-KKE
campaign. At the same time, it has to confront with racist and xenophobic
perceptions.
c) The regroupement of the movement practically
can be accomplished only through the reinforcement of PAME, as well as of PASY
and of the rallying forces of the self-employed. The shaping of a pole that rallies the forces in the students’ movement
and the strengthening of the coordination with the high school students’
movement at national level will be helpful. Specifying the action in the youth
and the women on each branch or sector of economy is one of the fundamental
terms in order to utilise the important reserves that have not been utilised
yet.
We have to establish new forms of rallies in industrial zones throughout
the country, even on an embryonic form. We have to assist the special action of
PAME and of other fronts, since around these zones there are peasants and
self-employed.
It is also of great importance to support the action of organisations at
national level that can rally radical progressive forces, such as organisations
of the anti-war, anti-imperialist peace movement, of international solidarity,
of struggle for democratic freedoms, for equality and for the women’s
emancipation. The massiveness, the grade of organisation and politicisation of
the struggles conducted by these movements, the joint action between them and
the alliance with the movement of the social forces, of the working class and
its allies will contribute significantly to the reinforcement of people’s
movement.
It is urgent to promote the branch trade union organisation of the
workers in each prefecture or city so as to promote the unity of the working
class. We must combat the new effort of fragmentation of the working class due
to the new labour relations, so that it can embrace the new segments. The
strengthening of PAME, that is more urgent today because of the economic
crisis, is linked to the change in the correlation of forces in the organs of
the trade union movement, and above all in the primary level of branch trade
unions, and if possible in the federations.
d)
The demand for a political change must overcome the
concept of governmental change and be comprehended as class change at the level
of power. There should be a clear
distinction in the masses’ minds between a government that is elected by the
people and supports the system and a people’s government that expresses the
interests of the working class and of the popular strata as a “product” of
people’s victory over the bourgeois power and the monopoly domination.
e)
Reinforcement of workers’ internationalism at global and regional level, conflict with
international trade union organisations that lead to the disarmament and
assimilation of the movement; development of the international workers’
solidarity; continuation of the efforts for the reinforcement of the
international joint action and the broadening of this front with more workers
and class-oriented organisations.
6.
BASIC GUIDELINES FOR THE STRUGGLE OF THE LABOUR AND
PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT
The goals of struggle, the guidelines and demands
stress the necessity to choose a way of development different from the
development serving the interests of the monopolies and the capital in general.
Towards the strategy of the adversary, the labour movement must bring forward
its own strategy; it must adopt an organized plan of action with a wider
perspective, especially when the objective social needs continually increase,
while the possibilities to be satisfied reduce.
A strong labour class-oriented movement will
contribute to the participation of the self-employed to the struggle against
the big capitalist enterprises, as well as the medium-sized ones, complementary
to the monopolies. Thus, solidarity will develop on this basis among employees
and self-employed. At the same time, it will mature within the forces of the
self-employed a current that will not consider the intensification of the
exploitation of a small number of employees as a way-out from the pressure
exerted by the monopolies, but the joint struggle with them in an
anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly direction.
Only the united front of workers, self-employed and
middle scale peasants, impervious to compromise and guild division, can have
positive effects and bring about positive changes at the political correlation
capable of paving the way that serves the interests of the people, the way of
overthrow.
The
multifaceted common goals of the working class and the popular strata
include:
A. Demands against the efforts to place the burdens
of the crisis on the workers’ shoulders, for the improvement of the
conditions for the selling and reproduction of labour power. Of course these
demands have nothing to do with the allegedly alternative taxation and labour
policies proposed by the government and the other opposition parties.
It is also important to stress several guidelines
that link the activity of the working class with that of the other popular
strata in city and country, such as the demands concerning public free unified
and universal Education and Healthcare system and the abolition of business
activity in these sectors, etc.
The life of the working class is inextricably linked
with the developments in the agricultural production and the negative
consequences of the general strategy, particularly the new CAP (Common
Agricultural Policy), on the capitalist accumulation of land and production,
the shrinkage of domestic production, the increase of the imports of agricultural
products, the growing food dependency and the food quality degradation.
The deterioration of the position of the small and
medium scale peasants as well as the acute problems of the self-employed who
suffer mainly from the activity and the increasing penetration of the
monopolies in trade and production concerns also the working class and
reversely. The understanding of this relationship constitutes the basis for a
wider and deeper work, for the progress of the social alliance, which is a key
prerequisite for the AAD Front.
The joint struggle of the social forces and the
other movements that adopt anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly goals of struggle
should be expressed through the respective forms of joint action and
organisation at local level, in prefectures and cities. However, these forms of
struggle should not substitute the responsibility of each movement in its field
of action in order for new masses to join the organised movement and
participate in the struggle.
B. The condemnation of all privatisations so far.
The struggle to prevent new ones. The importance of public, vertically
organised enterprises in sectors of strategic importance and public utility
along with the abolition of flexible labour relations, concession contracts,
international agreements with monopolies etc. These positions condemn
privatisations and constitute a part of the struggle for their social
ownership. Struggle against capitalist restructuring in the field of education
and Health care, against privatisation in the fields of sports and culture.
This is the response of the movement to the strategy of the capital, a
practical opposition to the strategy of the capital and the EU. The goals of
struggle should be combined with the need to overthrow the balance of forces
and the need for socialisation and establishment of cooperatives within the
People’s Power. We should underline the differences between these goals of
struggle and the positions concerning public enterprises that operate next to
the private business associations, increase of State intervention,
re-nationalisation of several enterprises, creation of State owned enterprises
or enterprises that operate under state control.
C. The participation of
There is also a need to reveal the conceptions of
compliance, uneven development, dependence and interdependence. In that way we
can refute the position that Greece is a small and dependent country and cannot
follow a path of development for the benefit of the social needs.
The position that Greece is capable of a
self-sufficient development that entails its independence from imperialist
commitments under the guidance of the People’s Power, should be consolidated.
The question whether a country can follow itself a different path of
development or not is a false dilemma. The position of KKE concerns the start
of the process of overthrow in each country in a period of mature objective and
subjective conditions. This process, no matter where it starts from, it will
bring about the acceleration of developments. The Greece of People’s Power and
Economy does not run the risks that the ruling class claims. These risks
concern above all the ruling class itself and not the working people. However,
this does not mean that the way to the overthrow will be an easy walk. The
workers should be aware of this. They will have to confront the resistance and
reaction of the ruling class, its allies. There is no other choice. It is worth
making sacrifices for the struggle rather than for capitalism.
7.
The current conditions require planned, targeted,
multifaceted ideological political and mass activity: in new developing,
according to the structure of the Greek economy capitalism, sectors; among the young
people who work under the new labour conditions; for the specification of our activity
according to the particularities of each branch, for the specification of our
activity among youth and women.
In our activity, we should take seriously into
account the multiplicity of labour relations as well as the age and sex of the
workers in each sector. Furthermore, we should be aware of the conditions in
each sector of production, in trade and services, concerning the degree of
monopolisation, the competition between the various sectors as well as within
the same sector and the international developments. We should have a precise
view of the policy of the employers towards the working class and the employees
in general, concerning salaries, benefits, safety and hygiene in work places,
the damaging factors for the environment and the workers’ health. Furthermore,
we should spot the consequences of the monopolies’ activities in each sector.
All the bodies of the Party until the level of PBO,
no matter if they belong to sectorial or territorial organisations, should
serve the main goal in a unified way, that is the expansion of links with the
working class and its segments, their organisation in the trade union movement,
the rally on the basis of the Party’s initiatives, the recruitment plans, the
party building in industrial sectors and workplaces as well as among the youth
through the development of KNE.
Nowadays, the ideological, political, cultural work,
as well as the organisation, information, and conversation with the people
should have many forms and a multifaceted content in order to propagate the
program of the Party as well as its political proposal concerning the alliance
and attract people in organised struggle. We should ensure the common
orientation of the Organisations in the working class and the movement, taking
into consideration the need to discuss the general political issues, specify
and adjust our action according to the particularities of each field of action.
8. International communist movement
KKE will continue steadily and, as far as it depends
on it, more efficiently cooperating with the other Communist and Workers’
parties, at bilateral, regional and international level, for the continuation
and enhancement of International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ parties,
that started in Athens ten years ago and continued in Lisbon, Minsk, Sao Paolo.
It will continue promoting common activities on the basis of common
resolutions, for the coordination of their activities, for the strengthening of
the anti-imperialist struggle against imperialist war and interventions against
hunger and poverty, for the environment. It will participate more actively in
the multilateral Meetings of Communist, Workers’ parties, as well as other
anti-imperialist forces in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia.
KKE gives priority to the development of bilateral
relations, aiming at the strengthening of the solidarity movement with the
peoples in Latin America focusing on Cuba, with the peoples in Middle East
focusing on the Palestinian issue. KKE supports the regional Meetings of
the Communist Parties in Balkans, East Mediterranean, Middle East and Red Sea,
in the member states of the EU as well as the thematical meetings such as the
meetings of the Communist Parties of Europe on education.
KKE will try to increase the regional Meetings
according to the developments and specific problems, in order to strengthen the
process of collective elaborations, and common efforts for the development of
ideological political struggle against the bourgeois, reformist and opportunist
currents, neo-fascist activities, nationalism and chauvinism.
KKE will continue working for the regroupment of the
international labour movement through the World Federation of Trade Unions, of
the international peace, anti-imperialist movement through the World Peace
Council, of the international women’s movement through the Women’s
International Democratic Federation and the international youth movement
through the World Federation of Democratic Youth.
We will continue the effort to promote joint action
around anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist goals with Communist and Workers’
parties that have ideological differences with us, without waiving the right to
a critical discussion of those differences.
Our reflection and activity focuses on the fact that
the international communist movement remains organisationally and ideologically
fragmented. As long as the situation does not improve, the danger for a new
backsliding increases.
Today there is an imperative need to speed up,
through specific and practical measures, the processes of forming and shaping a
communist pole, a distinct, in other words, presence of Communist and Workers’
parties, of communist forces that actively work for a united revolutionary
strategy of the international communist movement.
9. The
The first significant general political battle
following our Congress is that of the elections for the European Parliament. We
work on the basis of the electoral declaration of the CC that was published in
June 2008 and sets the political framework and the guidelines for this battle.
This battle has significant similarities with the national elections, their
difference being that the one leads to the election of the government, whereas
the other to the election of the EU parliamentary group. Their common features
consist in the responsibilities of the EU and the parties in power, as far as
it concerns the daily and general problems of the workers in our country, the
general consequences of the country’s incorporation in the EU market and
generally in the regional imperialist union. All problems, small or big ones,
are directly or indirectly related to the EU.
In this electoral battle people should judge ND and
PASOK, the parties that in turns signed all the anti-labour, anti-people EU
resolutions, that took part in the imperialist interventions and wars that the
EU supported or actively participated. Without a total confrontation with the
EU and the political forces that support it, even the slightest improvement of
the workers’ position is impossible. In Greece, the allies of the imperialist
EU policy are not merely the two bourgeois parties, but also the other
political forces, that have supported it in their way, regarding it as a
“one-way road”. It’s a fact that lately SYRIZA appears intensely critical
towards the EU, spreading at the same time the illusion that it can be changed
and become humane, in the same way it supports the humanisation of capitalism
at a national level. LAOS is a nationalist and racist bourgeois party. With its
demagogy it tries to conceal its ideological identity as well as the fact that
in the European Parliament it has voted, along with ND, for issues that have a
strategic importance for the course of the EU. In addition, several ecological
movements that constitute political groups as well support positions and
proposals that are incorporated in the choices of the EU and monopolies.
The battle of the elections for the European
Parliament, if indeed comes before the national elections, it must become the
starting point for workers, peasants and people, the youth and women that
belong to the working class, the popular strata, in order to deliver a decisive
blow – rift to the total vote percentage of ND and PASOK, and cause great
losses in votes for both of the them.
KKE asks for its electoral strengthening, because it
constitutes the only guaranteed and real answer to this policy, to the people’s
hardship caused by ND and PASOK, the parties that support the EU by every means
and in every way. No other
party of the opposition can struggle against the consequences of capitalist
restructuring; no other party can support the people in its counterattack.
The battle of the national elections is also ahead
of us, since, by today’s standards, it is not at all certain that the ND
government will exceed its 4-year term. At the focal point of this battle there
is the conflict between the two ways of development that constitutes the
criterion for each party. This battle will focus on the issue of the economic
crisis as well as to the relationship of each party to its inherent causes in
the capitalist system and the stance of each party towards the orientation of
the movement. It is also obvious that they will promote the false dilemmas
concerning the “one-party government” in order to “avoid the adventure of a new
electoral battle”. Our answer is not different from the answer we gave during
the elections in 2007: The weaker is a
conservative, anti-labor, anti-people government, either one-party or coalition
government, the better would be the position whereby the people can organise
its counterattack. The bourgeois parties, the parties of compromise have every
reason to fear the possibility of a weak government; the popular movement must
take into account only one thing: the new round of attacks by a strong
anti-people government.
10. The main duties of the Party until the 19th
Congress
1. We should realise the necessity and incorporate to
our work, in all bodies of the Party, the unity of revolutionary theory and
revolutionary action reaching the highest possible theoretical level that
contributes to the assimilation and the creative implementation of our strategy
as well as to the development of political consciousness of more and more
workers. The broadening of the circulation of «Rizospastis», of «Communist
Review» (KOMEP) and political books is a key step forward, along with the multifaceted
development of the education and self-education within the Party to the level
of PBOs and BOs (Base Organisations). The main issues of the cadres’
ideological and political education should be the documents on the conclusions
from the socialist construction and the history of the Party after the inner
party debate on the second part of the history of KKE.
2. The new CC should focus on assisting and raising
the efficiency of City and Regional Committees, in order for them to guide more
effectively the District and Prefectural Committees that have direct
responsibility for the guidance of PBOs. In addition, special assistance
is needed for the Prefectural Committees of the countryside. The review and
control procedures from the leading bodies to the PBOs should become more
substantial and creative, overcoming any routine and formal approach. The
leading bodies at all the levels of the Party down to the PBOs, should study
more systematically the experience from the class and generally mass struggle
in their area. They should spot specific shortcomings and mistakes, new
problems, trends as well as the developments in their field of action. In
particular, they should keep up with the development of the radical forces and
the various trends, elaborate initiatives that will contribute to the
development of political consciousness, to the will for organisation and
struggle. Furthermore there is a need to achieve a higher level concerning the
understanding of the character and content of creative adaptation and
specialisation of the strategy in the area of responsibility of each Body to
the PBOs. Scrutinised organisational measures that serve this direction should
be taken. The review and evaluation of the cadres’ contribution and work should
become more substantial. The amount of work and the complex developments
require the support of the work by assisting committees. The City and Regional
Committees should form assisting committees where none exist and improve the
composition of existing ones. Likewise, the Prefectural and District
Committees.
3. The new CC should ensure more decisively than
before that the overall planning and review of its work includes all the
multi-faceted measures adopted by the Nationwide Conference for the support and
overall assistance to KNE. It should
guide the leading Bodies to improve their work in KNE in order to assimilate
the strategy of the Party and promote the ideological-political and communist
education. In addition it should promote the specification of the cadres of the
Party and KNE in the fields of youth work, particularly among young workers, in
vocational education and training, in TEI (Technological Educational
Institutions) in the fields of culture and sports. It should provide comradely
help to ensure the creative function of the BOs, which constitutes, along with
the ideological-political work an important factor for the assimilation of new
members.
4. The new CC should utilise the experience of the
organisations and elaborate a plan for the activity concerning the problems of
immigrants and refugees and their integration to the labour movement.
5. Nowadays the local organisations become more important and local
struggles acquire a wider political dimension, as the new administrative
structure of the country is progressing through «Kapodistrias II» and a number
of critical social sectors are undertaken by municipalities and link to PPPs
(Public-Private Partnerships). The Bodies and the PBOs have to assume their
responsibility in guiding their members who are elected in mass organisations’
boards and in guiding the party groups in local authorities. They must control
how we work, how we rally, how we convince popular forces. We should also
utilise the conclusions of the CC from the battle of the local elections
regarding the improvement of our work in local authorities. The preparation for
the local elections in 2010 must start on time.
6. The issues of renewal, alternation and arrangement of cadres are prompt
and imperative. The renewal of the bodies should be based on social-class and
age criteria, and have a long term perspective. We need to concentrate the most
and most capable forces in sectorial work, in the various sectors of the
economy, especially in the industrial sector. Moreover, the best and most mature
cadres either the most promising cadres should contribute to the work of
District Committees. There should
also be a concentration of forces in the field of ideological work,
enlightenment and propaganda, in the field of studies and research. Young scientists
who are members of the Party have to be assisted in acquiring Marxist education
through a party system of education and self-education. The renewal of cadres
is also associated with the alternation of the areas of work, as a prolonged
occupation with a specific area of work leads to one-sided approaches and
therefore to a kind of stagnation. The solution of the problem lies in the
improvement of the guidance, but mainly in the renewal of the Bodies with
cadres from KNE, followed by a specific assistance in order for them to get
prepared to undertake a party responsibility.
7. The strengthening of the Party includes the stabilisation and growth of
its political and electoral influence. However, the strengthening of the Party
should not be equated to its electoral influence. The party building in
factories, enterprises, industrial sectors, the ideological and political level
of the Party and its ability to counterattack and struggle against the
bourgeois and opportunist views are the issues on which the whole Party should
focus in order to increase its political influence. Thus, the electoral battles
and their results should be utilised according to the above mentioned
guidelines.
8. The utilisation and circulation of the party literature, the
utilisation of electronic media and the Internet constitute an integral element of the party
building and the strengthening of its links with the working class and the
other popular strata. «Rizospastis», KOMEP as well as the special editions of
the Party constitute an irreplaceable daily tool of each party and KNE member.
The same applies for the members of KNE regarding «Odigitis». «Odigitis» is
also a tool for the cadres and members of the Party who work among the youth.
The wide, enlightenment work needs to utilise systematically all modern forms
of propaganda; however, it is vital for it to be based on direct conversation,
vis a vis with employees. The education of enlighteners, propagandists and
Marxist scientists, especially from the working class, through systematic
assistance, self-education and education constitutes a key measure for the
progress of this goal.
10. The issue of updating our positions, the goals and demands of struggle
should remain open in order to facilitate the promotion of our strategy, to
increase the ability of popularisation of our positions on socialism and the
need for the building of the Front on the basis of the agreement on the
People's Power and Economy. The basis of these demands is the economic demands
of workers and the right to work, refuting bourgeois and social democrat
concepts regarding the redistribution and management of poverty. We
should formulate demands and slogans, goals of struggle that demonstrate the
necessity of struggle against class exploitation. At the same time we should
demonstrate the superiority of our ideas, the differences between the Party and
the other forces, the meaning and content of modern needs, the problem of
capitalist property and power.
11. The CC should adjust the type of its central
initiatives; it should not be restricted by the headlines of the newspapers, as
they are determined by the bourgeois parties and their allies. Issues
concerning our ideology and strategy, such as the vanguard and revolutionary
role of the working class, the value of anti-monopoly social alliance, the
developments in the imperialist system, the difference between bourgeois and
social democracy, our conclusions on the socialist construction and the way
they are incorporated in the Party’s perception on socialism should be included
in the central initiatives of the CC in accordance with a plan. In terms of
revolutionary optimism we should systematically get prepared ideologically and
politically on issues such as the character of the conflict, on what it means
to conquer power, on what sacrifices are needed, on the fact that conflict is
inevitable. It is necessary to attack parliamentary illusions and raise
revolutionary vigilance. The developments require the increase of readiness and
vigilance.
12. For the
planning of the activity of the Party until the 19th Congress we should
utilise:
§
The resolutions of the
Nationwide Conference on Youth and the Nationwide Meeting for the specification
of our strategy in women
§
The special resolution of
the Enlarged Session of the CC of KNE on the movement of school students and
students in Universities and Technical Education Institutes
The CC in cooperation with
KNE should proceed with the further elaboration of our activity in the
Education movement and particularly in the field of educationalists and
academics in Universities and Technical Education Institutes. The Party
Organisations acting in these areas should participate in this activity as well
as in the elaboration of our policy.
13. To organise a Nationwide Conference on the basis of the Statute of the
Party for the debate of the second volume of the History of the Party of the
period 1949-1974.
14. To organise a Nationwide Conference for the review of our action among
the working class and the trade union movement. In its framework to evaluate
our contribution to the European and International trade union movement.
15. The new CC must review the progress of the party building through an
enlarged session with the participation of the Bureaus of City and Regional
Committees and the CC of KNE. Then, it should organise an equivalent debate in
the leading bodies and the PBOs.
16. The new CC should study the experience of the Party Organisations, the
opinion and the proposals of the forces cooperating with the Party and address
issues concerning the more effective organisation, coordination, common action
of the anti-imperialist, anti-war movement with the movement of
internationalist solidarity with the people and the victims of the imperialist
brutality and against the anti-communist and in general anti-democrat measures
and persecutions.
17. To systematise the practical work for the establishment of a distinct
communist pole, maintaining and developing further the proven forms of
international and regional meetings and bilateral contacts.
e-mail:cpg@int.kke.gr