Political Resolution of the 18th Congress of KKE
The 18th Congress of KKE was held on 18-22 of February 2009 at the conference hall, at the headquarters of the CC of KKE in Perissos, Athens, in an atmosphere of revolutionary optimism, high responsibility towards the working class and our people, forging the party’s ideological-political unity, maturation and determination in order to make the Party even more powerful, able to proceed in a phase of a new great counter-attack. The 18th Congress approves the Thesis of the CC of KKE, having taken into consideration the discussion and votes in favour at the Party’s Base Organisations (PBO) and the conferences of district, prefectorial, regional and cities’ organisations. The 18th Congress also approves the report of the CC at the Congress and the one of the Central Audit Committee.
On the basis of the documents and after taking into consideration the comments of the Party members in the pre-congress assemblies and conferences, the 18th Congress publishes the following Political Resolution which sets and specifies the tasks of the Party until the 19th Congress.
1. General assessment
The new element that characterises the developments, under which the 18th Congress of KKE was held, is that they can lead to the rise of the class struggle, to the joint struggle of the labour movement along with the movement of the poor and medium sized peasants, the tradesmen, the craftsmen and the self-employed, as well as to the strengthening of the Party. The diminished validity of the two bourgeois parties, ND and PASOK, along with the further establishment within the people of the view that there are no substantial differences between them, shows that nowadays these two parties cannot assimilate popular masses with the ease they used to. They cannot move forward to general benefits to large sections of the workers, compared to yesterday, showing the limits of the capitalist system.
The most important element of the developments is the economic crisis which is widely manifested to the capitalist world. It confirms positions and facts that our Party has declared for years; it brings to the surface more distinctively than in the past the other path of struggle and development, the issue of the socialization of the basic and concentrated means of production, workers’ state power, the central planning and workers’ control. Under such conditions, the question in which direction will the developments lead, if the positive processes will get stronger, is judged by the correlation of forces.
The 18th Congress of KKE defines as firm and clear target of the whole Party the counterattack at all levels, the strengthening of KKE, establishing a Party in full preparedness to meet the challenges under any conditions and turning points in the revolutionary class struggle. Our Party must be ready to rise to the occasion on a sharp rise of the class struggle, on ups and downs, difficulties or temporary reversals. It must act effectively, to the extend it depends on it, so as to promote the various movements in an anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist direction that constitutes a prerequisite for the formation for the Anti-imperialist Anti-monopoly Democratic Front (AADF) as a sociopolitical alliance for the People’s Power and People’s Economy. It must stress the necessity and possibility of establishment of socialism–communism that constitute the only realistic and effective response to the capitalist economic crisis, against the exploitation, the oppression and the imperialist barbarity.
The Congress, considering its course since 1991 and mainly during the last 4 years since the 17th Congress, confirms the assessments on the Thesis of the CC of KKE.
The 18th Congress considers that the Party is in a phase of progress and maturation and it has become stronger and more experienced; now it can make new steps of progress. First of all, it must establish powerful Party Base Organisations (PBO) at the workplaces and reinforce the recruitment of young workers -both men and women- for the improvement of its social and age composition. It must support the development of KNE so that it becomes even more powerful and massive.
2. The study of the causes of the victory of the counterrevolution, the relevant conclusions and the revitalisation of the actuality of socialism will give a boost to the effectiveness of the Party’s action
The Congress underscores that the two resolutions constitute an indivisible whole: the Political Resolution on the goals of struggle until the 19th Congress and the assessments regarding the socialist building during the 20th century, that enrich the programmatic perception of the Party of Socialism.
The 18th Congress remarks that the study of both positive and negative experience from the socialist revolution-building-development constitutes a priority for KKE so as to be more effective, to have a scientifically processed revolutionary strategy and give answers to the big contemporary problems.
Today, this task has become more imperative. In a period of intensified confusion over the causes that led to the capitalist restoration, of intensified disappointment, diminished hopes and big questions about whether there is a real way out socialism is not an abstract and indefinite vision; it’s KKE’s strategic target. Our Party is based on this point of view in order to define its position on the everyday problems of the workers, its tactics on the political struggle and its action within the labour, trade union and people’s movement.
The Political Resolution of the 18th Congress and the Theses on Socialism-Communism contribute to the ideological and political readiness of the Party and to its preparation for the difficult battles to come. Nowadays, the anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist struggle is objectively integrated into the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and more anti-capitalist than ever. There are no barriers between the rally and the struggle of the anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly forces and the struggle for socialism.
The Resolution on socialism is a contribution to the international communist movement, to its struggle against imperialism and wars, in order to overcome its crisis that begun in 1991 and is still under way.
It offers weapons for the ideological and political conflict with the various bourgeois and petty bourgeois theories, the social-democracy and the opportunist perceptions and illusions, the old recipes that appear again today as something “new”, for a supposed “socialism with freedom and democracy”, regarding the “national particularities of socialism” that can only lead to the perpetuation of the capitalist system.
3. The economic crisis of capitalism and the direction of the Party’s action
The 18th Congress spots as basic characteristic of
the developments internationally and in our country, during this period and the
following years, the capitalist economic crisis at international level. It’s a
crisis that has hit
During the period of crisis it becomes even more apparent the unreconciled contradiction between the socialisation of the production and the capitalist appropriation of the produced wealth. All contradictions of the capitalist economy burst out at the same time violently.
The bourgeois management in all its variations –classic liberal or socialdemocrat- in EU zone and in the rest of the EU, cannot stop the burst out of the crisis; in fact it brings forward further intensification of the problems of the working class, of the majority of the workers. It will increase poverty and penury and will intensify state violence and repression; at international level it will lead, in most cases, to the revitalizing of the imperialist wars under way and to the outbreak of new ones.
The working class and the popular strata in our country have no benefit from “solutions” that help the system get over its crisis. The class oriented labour movement must disclose, reject and oppose to the deliberately misleading views on a “common problem”, “of joint confrontation”, “regulation”, “rehabilitation”, “humanisation” of capitalism, that “demonise” liberalism just to save capitalism.
The bourgeois political forces, the managers of the system, in our country as well, are concerned about the existing danger of not being able to control the impact of the crisis on their political stability. However, the danger of an economic and political destabilization of the bourgeoisie is a hope for the labour and people’s forces.
Under these circumstances, KKE turns its attention and its whole activity and subordinates its action to the direction of the only real way out for the people and the youth; the acceleration of the process of reconstitution of the labour movement, of the people’s alliance with the forces of the self-employed and the small and medium scale peasants, for the reinforcement of the world-wide labour movement.
In conditions of crisis the workers must counterattack and intensify the class struggle. Every step behind this anti-imperialist anti-monopoly line of struggle means nothing but retreat and integration.
The Party must handle new, even greater demands regarding the ideological struggle, the struggle of ideas within the lines of the movement, the need -along with the main objective to diminish the influence of the bourgeois perceptions and views- to deliver an ideological and political blow to the reformist and opportunist forces that constitute the main obstacle in the unity on a class basis, in the social alliance, in the radicalisation of people’s consciousness and action, in the formation of a single sociopolitical front that will organise the struggle for the overthrow of the monopoly power in favour of the People’s Power and People’s Economy.
4. The orientation of the movement’s struggle - The mass ideological and political action of the Party
Nowadays, there are two lines of mass ideological and political confrontation, within the Greek society, that collide:
The first line of development is the one we have known all these years, and has become even harder over the last twenty years, especially after the Treaty of Maastricht. It’s the path that serves the interests of the capital and the monopolies and consolidates the EU and NATO choices.
The other line is the one that promotes the Anti-imperialist, Anti-monopoly, Democratic Front of struggle, the sociopolitical alliance of the working with the self-employed and the owners of small and medium scale farm holdings, to leads to the People’s Power and Economy. It is the way which recognises the worker as the only producer of wealth and the satisfaction of the contemporary social needs as the incentive of production.
Nowadays, it is even more crucial and essential to promote the viewpoint that the struggle against acute problems, the consequences of the crisis and the new anti-worker, anti-people measures must turn into a struggle against the power of monopolies and their imperialist unions.
Today, the objective conditions for wider parts of the working class, of the people, of young men and women to take action are being created. Under the pressure exerted by the enormous problems it is possible that the struggle takes up sharpened and elevated forms that might bring intense repression. The new popular masses with little or minor social and political experience that join the struggle should be supported by the intense ideological and political intervention of the Party, the development of collective forms of action through the class-oriented trade unions -through PAME and PASY- of the self-employed, small tradesmen and craftsmen movements, as well as other ways to rally forces. This way the indignation of the people, as far as permitted by the conditions, will turn into political conscience and maturing focusing on the two ways of development and evolution of the Greek economy and society in general. This will reinforce the anti-imperialist anti-monopoly conscience and will contribute to the understanding of the significance of the AAD Front as a sociopolitical alliance in combination with the overall support and strengthening of KKE that is a guarantee for the struggles and a correct direction for the movement, as well as for the effectiveness of the struggles and the ability of the movement to act under any circumstances.
Our Party, throughout its 90-year-old course, has concentrated, and still does, its attention to its action within the working class, the youth, women, the working people, the mass organisations, the movements, and generally the popular masses. Similarly to the direction followed in the last 4 years, our party’s obligation is to be profoundly familiar with the people’s problems, to be ready to fight and organise the struggle, to reinforce every popular action, taking into account all the needs and demands in each sector, at the workplaces, at municipality or neighbourhood level, even if they concern a small or bigger group of people. A crucial element of our Party’s efficiency is its action within the working class and its allies, that is, the poor peasants and the self-employed who will have benefits from the struggle against the monopolies and imperialism and objectively represent the social forces of the AAD Front. The correlation of the working class and its allies in the movement will determine the massiveness, the range, the effectiveness of the struggle and the concentration of forces fighting for counterattack, rupture and overthrow.
The ideological conflict must impregnate the practical action and, in certain cases, it must even attain priority with special campaigns and organised activity opening the debate with the masses, above all with the employees, implementing adequate forms, in the places of residence, in the workplaces, in each branch and sector. The ideological conflict is a key prerequisite for the organisation of the workers and people’s masses. Nowadays, the ideological counter-attack represents the most important factor of organization of the people’s disillusionment and especially the employees along with the new shift of the working class, that is, the youth. There are similar requirements regarding the agricultural movement, particularly the small and medium scale peasants and the self-employed.
The regroupement of the
workers’ movement - The social
The 18th Congress stressed that it wouldn’t be possible to prevent the worst they prepare for the people and the youth if the movement remains solely in a policy of deterrence and dubious defense. Neither the ordinary struggles can be effective, nor the alternation of bourgeois and petty bourgeois compromised parties on the government, of majority or coalition, can not bring anything good for the people.
It calls upon the members of the Party and KNE, friends and supporters, forces cooperating with the Party within the movement, the radical and consistent militant people in order to join efforts for the regroupement of the labour movement and of its allies.
a) Encouragement of new labour masses to take part in the organised action, to contribute actively in the process for the movement’s development and the formation of a common front of struggle. This front will be a social alliance that, through the particularities and singularities of each movement, will deal in a unified way with economic, social and political issues. Those masses unite in a single goal of struggle against the power of the monopolies, in order to form a new kind of power. The People’s Power is totally different from the power of the monopolies concerning its content and the ways it is exercised; it’s the result of their overthrow.
Apart from the experienced and conscious sections of the working class and the popular strata, an impetus to the regroupement of the movement may give the fighting forces of younger workers, men and women, immigrants and their families, the self-employed in the city and the countryside, workers that decide to fight again organized. Specific action must be taken for the young working mothers that have objectively difficulty in understanding the need to overcome any hesitation due to actual obstacles.
b) Conquest of an anti-monopoly anti-imperialist orientation of struggle of the labour movement first all and of the allies of the working class
Practical measures must be taken to uncover the harmful and destructive role that played and still does within the tertiary organs GSEE (General Confederation of Greek Workers), ADEDY (Supreme Administration of Greek Civil Servants Trade Unions), GESASE (General Confederation of Greek Agrarian Associations), SYDASE (Confederation of Democratic Agrarian Unions), PASEGES (Panhellenic Confederation of Unions of Agricultural Cooperatives), GSEBEE (Hellenic Confederation of Professionals, Craftsmen and Merchants) and ESEE (National Confederation of Hellenic Commerce) and within a large part of secondary organs, as well as primary trade union organisations in large workplaces, the dominance of the forces of ND and PASOK, and generally of those who support openly or indirectly the dominant policy, the EU strategy, such as SYN/ SYRIZA.
Today, it is not enough for the movement to set some positive goals. What determines the effectiveness of the movement, its role in a positive perspective is an ideological and political framework that supports these goals of struggle. The «unity towards the problem» or the «struggle against problems» in general are not enough; what is important is the political framework, its demands, ideological positions and the aim of struggle. The labour movement, as required by the struggle, must achieve an anti-monopoly anti-imperialist orientation, to develop a front to confront the bourgeois ideas and perceptions, reformism and opportunism, on the basis of the experience that develops the working class through the mass struggles. The ideological, political and economic struggle is conducted in a single way; it cannot be divided in separate units.
It is very important for the employees and the working people in general, who are influenced by our targeted and constant action, to use their own experience and start pursuing the alternative path of development, opposed to the monopolies and the imperialist policies. We must get across what the profits for the vast majority are from People’s Power and Economy that can express the interests of all those who agree with the necessity of a struggle against the power of the monopolies though may have a different opinion regarding the socialist perspective.
A basic prerequisite for people’s movement to counterattack, along with the vanguard of the labour movement is also the effective struggle against reformism and opportunism, the confrontation of the plans of the dominant class to utilise the so-called anarchist-autonomist and anti-authority forces, any group or political force that presents itself as “revolutionary” and “anti-capitalist”, in combination with the anti-communist psychosis, with slogans and arguments taken from the arsenal of the most extreme anti-KKE campaign. At the same time, it has to confront with racist and xenophobic perceptions.
c) The regroupement of the movement practically can be accomplished only through the reinforcement of PAME, as well as of PASY and of the rallying forces of the self-employed. The shaping of a pole that rallies the forces in the students’ movement and the strengthening of the coordination with the high school students’ movement at national level will be helpful. Specifying the action in the youth and the women on each branch or sector of economy is one of the fundamental terms in order to utilise the important reserves that have not been utilised yet.
We have to establish new forms of rallies in industrial zones throughout the country, even on an embryonic form. We have to assist the special action of PAME and of other fronts, since around these zones there are peasants and self-employed.
It is also of great importance to support the action of organisations at national level that can rally radical progressive forces, such as organisations of the anti-war, anti-imperialist peace movement, of international solidarity, of struggle for democratic freedoms, for equality and for the women’s emancipation. The massiveness, the grade of organisation and politicisation of the struggles conducted by these movements, the joint action between them and the alliance with the movement of the social forces, of the working class and its allies will contribute significantly to the reinforcement of people’s movement.
It is urgent to promote the branch trade union organisation of the workers in each prefecture or city so as to promote the unity of the working class. We must combat the new effort of fragmentation of the working class due to the new labour relations, so that it can embrace the new segments. The strengthening of PAME, that is more urgent today because of the economic crisis, is linked to the change in the correlation of forces in the organs of the trade union movement, and above all in the primary level of branch trade unions, and if possible in the federations.
d) The demand for a political change must overcome the concept of governmental change and be comprehended as class change at the level of power. There should be a clear distinction in the masses’ minds between a government that is elected by the people and supports the system and a people’s government that expresses the interests of the working class and of the popular strata as a “product” of people’s victory over the bourgeois power and the monopoly domination.
e) Reinforcement of workers’ internationalism at global and regional level, conflict with international trade union organisations that lead to the disarmament and assimilation of the movement; development of the international workers’ solidarity; continuation of the efforts for the reinforcement of the international joint action and the broadening of this front with more workers and class-oriented organisations.
6. BASIC GUIDELINES FOR THE STRUGGLE OF THE LABOUR AND PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT
The goals of struggle, the guidelines and demands stress the necessity to choose a way of development different from the development serving the interests of the monopolies and the capital in general. Towards the strategy of the adversary, the labour movement must bring forward its own strategy; it must adopt an organized plan of action with a wider perspective, especially when the objective social needs continually increase, while the possibilities to be satisfied reduce.
A strong labour class-oriented movement will contribute to the participation of the self-employed to the struggle against the big capitalist enterprises, as well as the medium-sized ones, complementary to the monopolies. Thus, solidarity will develop on this basis among employees and self-employed. At the same time, it will mature within the forces of the self-employed a current that will not consider the intensification of the exploitation of a small number of employees as a way-out from the pressure exerted by the monopolies, but the joint struggle with them in an anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly direction.
Only the united front of workers, self-employed and middle scale peasants, impervious to compromise and guild division, can have positive effects and bring about positive changes at the political correlation capable of paving the way that serves the interests of the people, the way of overthrow.
The multifaceted common goals of the working class and the popular strata include:
A. Demands against the efforts to place the burdens of the crisis on the workers’ shoulders, for the improvement of the conditions for the selling and reproduction of labour power. Of course these demands have nothing to do with the allegedly alternative taxation and labour policies proposed by the government and the other opposition parties.
It is also important to stress several guidelines that link the activity of the working class with that of the other popular strata in city and country, such as the demands concerning public free unified and universal Education and Healthcare system and the abolition of business activity in these sectors, etc.
The life of the working class is inextricably linked with the developments in the agricultural production and the negative consequences of the general strategy, particularly the new CAP (Common Agricultural Policy), on the capitalist accumulation of land and production, the shrinkage of domestic production, the increase of the imports of agricultural products, the growing food dependency and the food quality degradation.
The deterioration of the position of the small and medium scale peasants as well as the acute problems of the self-employed who suffer mainly from the activity and the increasing penetration of the monopolies in trade and production concerns also the working class and reversely. The understanding of this relationship constitutes the basis for a wider and deeper work, for the progress of the social alliance, which is a key prerequisite for the AAD Front.
The joint struggle of the social forces and the other movements that adopt anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly goals of struggle should be expressed through the respective forms of joint action and organisation at local level, in prefectures and cities. However, these forms of struggle should not substitute the responsibility of each movement in its field of action in order for new masses to join the organised movement and participate in the struggle.
B. The condemnation of all privatisations so far. The struggle to prevent new ones. The importance of public, vertically organised enterprises in sectors of strategic importance and public utility along with the abolition of flexible labour relations, concession contracts, international agreements with monopolies etc. These positions condemn privatisations and constitute a part of the struggle for their social ownership. Struggle against capitalist restructuring in the field of education and Health care, against privatisation in the fields of sports and culture. This is the response of the movement to the strategy of the capital, a practical opposition to the strategy of the capital and the EU. The goals of struggle should be combined with the need to overthrow the balance of forces and the need for socialisation and establishment of cooperatives within the People’s Power. We should underline the differences between these goals of struggle and the positions concerning public enterprises that operate next to the private business associations, increase of State intervention, re-nationalisation of several enterprises, creation of State owned enterprises or enterprises that operate under state control.
C. The participation of
There is also a need to reveal the conceptions of compliance, uneven development, dependence and interdependence. In that way we can refute the position that Greece is a small and dependent country and cannot follow a path of development for the benefit of the social needs.
The position that Greece is capable of a self-sufficient development that entails its independence from imperialist commitments under the guidance of the People’s Power, should be consolidated. The question whether a country can follow itself a different path of development or not is a false dilemma. The position of KKE concerns the start of the process of overthrow in each country in a period of mature objective and subjective conditions. This process, no matter where it starts from, it will bring about the acceleration of developments. The Greece of People’s Power and Economy does not run the risks that the ruling class claims. These risks concern above all the ruling class itself and not the working people. However, this does not mean that the way to the overthrow will be an easy walk. The workers should be aware of this. They will have to confront the resistance and reaction of the ruling class, its allies. There is no other choice. It is worth making sacrifices for the struggle rather than for capitalism.
The current conditions require planned, targeted, multifaceted ideological political and mass activity: in new developing, according to the structure of the Greek economy capitalism, sectors; among the young people who work under the new labour conditions; for the specification of our activity according to the particularities of each branch, for the specification of our activity among youth and women.
In our activity, we should take seriously into account the multiplicity of labour relations as well as the age and sex of the workers in each sector. Furthermore, we should be aware of the conditions in each sector of production, in trade and services, concerning the degree of monopolisation, the competition between the various sectors as well as within the same sector and the international developments. We should have a precise view of the policy of the employers towards the working class and the employees in general, concerning salaries, benefits, safety and hygiene in work places, the damaging factors for the environment and the workers’ health. Furthermore, we should spot the consequences of the monopolies’ activities in each sector.
All the bodies of the Party until the level of PBO, no matter if they belong to sectorial or territorial organisations, should serve the main goal in a unified way, that is the expansion of links with the working class and its segments, their organisation in the trade union movement, the rally on the basis of the Party’s initiatives, the recruitment plans, the party building in industrial sectors and workplaces as well as among the youth through the development of KNE.
Nowadays, the ideological, political, cultural work, as well as the organisation, information, and conversation with the people should have many forms and a multifaceted content in order to propagate the program of the Party as well as its political proposal concerning the alliance and attract people in organised struggle. We should ensure the common orientation of the Organisations in the working class and the movement, taking into consideration the need to discuss the general political issues, specify and adjust our action according to the particularities of each field of action.
8. International communist movement
KKE will continue steadily and, as far as it depends on it, more efficiently cooperating with the other Communist and Workers’ parties, at bilateral, regional and international level, for the continuation and enhancement of International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ parties, that started in Athens ten years ago and continued in Lisbon, Minsk, Sao Paolo. It will continue promoting common activities on the basis of common resolutions, for the coordination of their activities, for the strengthening of the anti-imperialist struggle against imperialist war and interventions against hunger and poverty, for the environment. It will participate more actively in the multilateral Meetings of Communist, Workers’ parties, as well as other anti-imperialist forces in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia.
KKE gives priority to the development of bilateral relations, aiming at the strengthening of the solidarity movement with the peoples in Latin America focusing on Cuba, with the peoples in Middle East focusing on the Palestinian issue. KKE supports the regional Meetings of the Communist Parties in Balkans, East Mediterranean, Middle East and Red Sea, in the member states of the EU as well as the thematical meetings such as the meetings of the Communist Parties of Europe on education.
KKE will try to increase the regional Meetings according to the developments and specific problems, in order to strengthen the process of collective elaborations, and common efforts for the development of ideological political struggle against the bourgeois, reformist and opportunist currents, neo-fascist activities, nationalism and chauvinism.
KKE will continue working for the regroupment of the international labour movement through the World Federation of Trade Unions, of the international peace, anti-imperialist movement through the World Peace Council, of the international women’s movement through the Women’s International Democratic Federation and the international youth movement through the World Federation of Democratic Youth.
We will continue the effort to promote joint action around anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist goals with Communist and Workers’ parties that have ideological differences with us, without waiving the right to a critical discussion of those differences.
Our reflection and activity focuses on the fact that the international communist movement remains organisationally and ideologically fragmented. As long as the situation does not improve, the danger for a new backsliding increases.
Today there is an imperative need to speed up, through specific and practical measures, the processes of forming and shaping a communist pole, a distinct, in other words, presence of Communist and Workers’ parties, of communist forces that actively work for a united revolutionary strategy of the international communist movement.
The first significant general political battle following our Congress is that of the elections for the European Parliament. We work on the basis of the electoral declaration of the CC that was published in June 2008 and sets the political framework and the guidelines for this battle. This battle has significant similarities with the national elections, their difference being that the one leads to the election of the government, whereas the other to the election of the EU parliamentary group. Their common features consist in the responsibilities of the EU and the parties in power, as far as it concerns the daily and general problems of the workers in our country, the general consequences of the country’s incorporation in the EU market and generally in the regional imperialist union. All problems, small or big ones, are directly or indirectly related to the EU.
In this electoral battle people should judge ND and PASOK, the parties that in turns signed all the anti-labour, anti-people EU resolutions, that took part in the imperialist interventions and wars that the EU supported or actively participated. Without a total confrontation with the EU and the political forces that support it, even the slightest improvement of the workers’ position is impossible. In Greece, the allies of the imperialist EU policy are not merely the two bourgeois parties, but also the other political forces, that have supported it in their way, regarding it as a “one-way road”. It’s a fact that lately SYRIZA appears intensely critical towards the EU, spreading at the same time the illusion that it can be changed and become humane, in the same way it supports the humanisation of capitalism at a national level. LAOS is a nationalist and racist bourgeois party. With its demagogy it tries to conceal its ideological identity as well as the fact that in the European Parliament it has voted, along with ND, for issues that have a strategic importance for the course of the EU. In addition, several ecological movements that constitute political groups as well support positions and proposals that are incorporated in the choices of the EU and monopolies.
The battle of the elections for the European Parliament, if indeed comes before the national elections, it must become the starting point for workers, peasants and people, the youth and women that belong to the working class, the popular strata, in order to deliver a decisive blow – rift to the total vote percentage of ND and PASOK, and cause great losses in votes for both of the them.
KKE asks for its electoral strengthening, because it constitutes the only guaranteed and real answer to this policy, to the people’s hardship caused by ND and PASOK, the parties that support the EU by every means and in every way. No other party of the opposition can struggle against the consequences of capitalist restructuring; no other party can support the people in its counterattack.
The battle of the national elections is also ahead of us, since, by today’s standards, it is not at all certain that the ND government will exceed its 4-year term. At the focal point of this battle there is the conflict between the two ways of development that constitutes the criterion for each party. This battle will focus on the issue of the economic crisis as well as to the relationship of each party to its inherent causes in the capitalist system and the stance of each party towards the orientation of the movement. It is also obvious that they will promote the false dilemmas concerning the “one-party government” in order to “avoid the adventure of a new electoral battle”. Our answer is not different from the answer we gave during the elections in 2007: The weaker is a conservative, anti-labor, anti-people government, either one-party or coalition government, the better would be the position whereby the people can organise its counterattack. The bourgeois parties, the parties of compromise have every reason to fear the possibility of a weak government; the popular movement must take into account only one thing: the new round of attacks by a strong anti-people government.
10. The main duties of the Party until the 19th Congress
1. We should realise the necessity and incorporate to our work, in all bodies of the Party, the unity of revolutionary theory and revolutionary action reaching the highest possible theoretical level that contributes to the assimilation and the creative implementation of our strategy as well as to the development of political consciousness of more and more workers. The broadening of the circulation of «Rizospastis», of «Communist Review» (KOMEP) and political books is a key step forward, along with the multifaceted development of the education and self-education within the Party to the level of PBOs and BOs (Base Organisations). The main issues of the cadres’ ideological and political education should be the documents on the conclusions from the socialist construction and the history of the Party after the inner party debate on the second part of the history of KKE.
2. The new CC should focus on assisting and raising the efficiency of City and Regional Committees, in order for them to guide more effectively the District and Prefectural Committees that have direct responsibility for the guidance of PBOs. In addition, special assistance is needed for the Prefectural Committees of the countryside. The review and control procedures from the leading bodies to the PBOs should become more substantial and creative, overcoming any routine and formal approach. The leading bodies at all the levels of the Party down to the PBOs, should study more systematically the experience from the class and generally mass struggle in their area. They should spot specific shortcomings and mistakes, new problems, trends as well as the developments in their field of action. In particular, they should keep up with the development of the radical forces and the various trends, elaborate initiatives that will contribute to the development of political consciousness, to the will for organisation and struggle. Furthermore there is a need to achieve a higher level concerning the understanding of the character and content of creative adaptation and specialisation of the strategy in the area of responsibility of each Body to the PBOs. Scrutinised organisational measures that serve this direction should be taken. The review and evaluation of the cadres’ contribution and work should become more substantial. The amount of work and the complex developments require the support of the work by assisting committees. The City and Regional Committees should form assisting committees where none exist and improve the composition of existing ones. Likewise, the Prefectural and District Committees.
3. The new CC should ensure more decisively than before that the overall planning and review of its work includes all the multi-faceted measures adopted by the Nationwide Conference for the support and overall assistance to KNE. It should guide the leading Bodies to improve their work in KNE in order to assimilate the strategy of the Party and promote the ideological-political and communist education. In addition it should promote the specification of the cadres of the Party and KNE in the fields of youth work, particularly among young workers, in vocational education and training, in TEI (Technological Educational Institutions) in the fields of culture and sports. It should provide comradely help to ensure the creative function of the BOs, which constitutes, along with the ideological-political work an important factor for the assimilation of new members.
4. The new CC should utilise the experience of the organisations and elaborate a plan for the activity concerning the problems of immigrants and refugees and their integration to the labour movement.
5. Nowadays the local organisations become more important and local struggles acquire a wider political dimension, as the new administrative structure of the country is progressing through «Kapodistrias II» and a number of critical social sectors are undertaken by municipalities and link to PPPs (Public-Private Partnerships). The Bodies and the PBOs have to assume their responsibility in guiding their members who are elected in mass organisations’ boards and in guiding the party groups in local authorities. They must control how we work, how we rally, how we convince popular forces. We should also utilise the conclusions of the CC from the battle of the local elections regarding the improvement of our work in local authorities. The preparation for the local elections in 2010 must start on time.
6. The issues of renewal, alternation and arrangement of cadres are prompt and imperative. The renewal of the bodies should be based on social-class and age criteria, and have a long term perspective. We need to concentrate the most and most capable forces in sectorial work, in the various sectors of the economy, especially in the industrial sector. Moreover, the best and most mature cadres either the most promising cadres should contribute to the work of District Committees. There should also be a concentration of forces in the field of ideological work, enlightenment and propaganda, in the field of studies and research. Young scientists who are members of the Party have to be assisted in acquiring Marxist education through a party system of education and self-education. The renewal of cadres is also associated with the alternation of the areas of work, as a prolonged occupation with a specific area of work leads to one-sided approaches and therefore to a kind of stagnation. The solution of the problem lies in the improvement of the guidance, but mainly in the renewal of the Bodies with cadres from KNE, followed by a specific assistance in order for them to get prepared to undertake a party responsibility.
7. The strengthening of the Party includes the stabilisation and growth of its political and electoral influence. However, the strengthening of the Party should not be equated to its electoral influence. The party building in factories, enterprises, industrial sectors, the ideological and political level of the Party and its ability to counterattack and struggle against the bourgeois and opportunist views are the issues on which the whole Party should focus in order to increase its political influence. Thus, the electoral battles and their results should be utilised according to the above mentioned guidelines.
8. The utilisation and circulation of the party literature, the utilisation of electronic media and the Internet constitute an integral element of the party building and the strengthening of its links with the working class and the other popular strata. «Rizospastis», KOMEP as well as the special editions of the Party constitute an irreplaceable daily tool of each party and KNE member. The same applies for the members of KNE regarding «Odigitis». «Odigitis» is also a tool for the cadres and members of the Party who work among the youth. The wide, enlightenment work needs to utilise systematically all modern forms of propaganda; however, it is vital for it to be based on direct conversation, vis a vis with employees. The education of enlighteners, propagandists and Marxist scientists, especially from the working class, through systematic assistance, self-education and education constitutes a key measure for the progress of this goal.
10. The issue of updating our positions, the goals and demands of struggle should remain open in order to facilitate the promotion of our strategy, to increase the ability of popularisation of our positions on socialism and the need for the building of the Front on the basis of the agreement on the People's Power and Economy. The basis of these demands is the economic demands of workers and the right to work, refuting bourgeois and social democrat concepts regarding the redistribution and management of poverty. We should formulate demands and slogans, goals of struggle that demonstrate the necessity of struggle against class exploitation. At the same time we should demonstrate the superiority of our ideas, the differences between the Party and the other forces, the meaning and content of modern needs, the problem of capitalist property and power.
11. The CC should adjust the type of its central initiatives; it should not be restricted by the headlines of the newspapers, as they are determined by the bourgeois parties and their allies. Issues concerning our ideology and strategy, such as the vanguard and revolutionary role of the working class, the value of anti-monopoly social alliance, the developments in the imperialist system, the difference between bourgeois and social democracy, our conclusions on the socialist construction and the way they are incorporated in the Party’s perception on socialism should be included in the central initiatives of the CC in accordance with a plan. In terms of revolutionary optimism we should systematically get prepared ideologically and politically on issues such as the character of the conflict, on what it means to conquer power, on what sacrifices are needed, on the fact that conflict is inevitable. It is necessary to attack parliamentary illusions and raise revolutionary vigilance. The developments require the increase of readiness and vigilance.
12. For the planning of the activity of the Party until the 19th Congress we should utilise:
§ The resolutions of the Nationwide Conference on Youth and the Nationwide Meeting for the specification of our strategy in women
§ The special resolution of the Enlarged Session of the CC of KNE on the movement of school students and students in Universities and Technical Education Institutes
The CC in cooperation with KNE should proceed with the further elaboration of our activity in the Education movement and particularly in the field of educationalists and academics in Universities and Technical Education Institutes. The Party Organisations acting in these areas should participate in this activity as well as in the elaboration of our policy.
13. To organise a Nationwide Conference on the basis of the Statute of the Party for the debate of the second volume of the History of the Party of the period 1949-1974.
14. To organise a Nationwide Conference for the review of our action among the working class and the trade union movement. In its framework to evaluate our contribution to the European and International trade union movement.
15. The new CC must review the progress of the party building through an enlarged session with the participation of the Bureaus of City and Regional Committees and the CC of KNE. Then, it should organise an equivalent debate in the leading bodies and the PBOs.
16. The new CC should study the experience of the Party Organisations, the opinion and the proposals of the forces cooperating with the Party and address issues concerning the more effective organisation, coordination, common action of the anti-imperialist, anti-war movement with the movement of internationalist solidarity with the people and the victims of the imperialist brutality and against the anti-communist and in general anti-democrat measures and persecutions.
17. To systematise the practical work for the establishment of a distinct communist pole, maintaining and developing further the proven forms of international and regional meetings and bilateral contacts.