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18th Congress: Report of the CC on the First Subject



Report of the CC of KKE in the 18th Congress


First Subject




The action of the Party since the 17th Congress

The duties of the Party until the 19th Congress






We would like to welcome and thank the delegations of the Communist and Workers Parties attending the 18th Congress for their presence. The special importance of our Congress lies in the fact that it is held in a period when big economic, social and political issues are brought forward at international, regional and national level. We believe that the Congress will help the labor and popular movement to turn a new page and that it will increase the contribution of our Party in the international communist, anti-imperialist movement.


72% of the Party members participated in the first part of the pre-congress process that had to do with the review of the partys action and its duties until the 19th Congress. 28% of the Party members were absent, of which 17% were excused. The Theses of the CC were voted in the affirmative. 0,15% of the Party members voted against and 0,30% voted blank. 73% of the Party members participated in the second part concerning the Theses of the CC on socialism. 28% of the Party members were absent, of which 17% were excused. The theses were also voted in the affirmative. 0,35% voted against and 0,61% voted blank.


In its Theses the CC concluded that the Party has made progress in the popularisation of its policy concerning the big problems of the people and that it has made an important effort for the propagation of its political proposal concerning the  Front, the people’s power and economy as well as the necessity of socialism. Through the pre-congress process these estimations proved to be correct.


Nevertheless, we did not reach the limits of our possibilities in order to spread such a discussion and dialogue more widely among the masses of the working people and the popular strata, to open this issue within the mass movement. Our Party has, according to its program, elaborated positions for all the problems of the working class, the workers families as well as demands and goals of struggle that respond to the acute problems of the people. All these help us to respond to the daily struggle and widely popularise our strategy. The historical limits of the capitalist system and the consequences of the monopolies action and political power are now becoming obvious from “a thousand different directions”. We can and should provide complete answers to questions about whether there is an alternative, a way-out and a prospect and lead the development of the class struggle more efficiently.


The vast majority of the Party members confirmed the main estimation of the Theses that there have been important steps in the course of the Party as a whole. The inter-party debate shows that the approval of both texts has a stable basis and that the ideological and political unity of our Party is now stronger and more essential, established through our experience, the struggles and the ideological political conflict. Besides the various activities and initiatives of the Party, its increased participation in the various hard struggles, the multiform activities unfolded during the celebration of the 90th anniversary of KKE and the big October Revolution as well as the events for the 60th anniversary of the anti-fascist victory and the Democratic Army of Greece contributed to the strengthening of its ideological political unity. These events had an educative impact as well; they were enriched with the experience and the lessons of our Partys heroic course. Furthermore, the internationalist role and action of the Party had also been advanced.


During the pre-congress process several comrades made important critical remarks about the work of the leading bodies. It is really important to study the criticism concerning the need to provide increased and more substantial assistance to the PBOs so that they improve their orientation and acquire an increased ability to specify and adapt their duties to their area of responsibility, to support the central activities of the Party through their own initiatives.


Nowadays we are all aware of the fact that the requirements for our actions are increasing  as the first signs of the economic crisis are visible in our country. This crisis will break out also in Greece, it will be acute and relatively long term. In the face of the crisis we only have one choice: to meet the challenges of this situation so that the labour movement will be in a position to counterattack and for the social alliance to make steps forward. In other words, we should contribute to the rise and intensification of the class struggle, to the development of the political consciousness of the masses. Our contribution to the regroupement of the labour movement is a key prerequisite.


The slogan of the 18th congress highlights: counterattack on every front, In the Movement, in the Party work and guidance! We need adapt our work we can be successful and meet the challenges!


The decisions and the particular duties of the Party have become more complex. Therefore, the guidance work should not be restricted merely to the highlighting and description of the practical duties. There should be a specific elaboration in order for these duties to be integrated to the cohesive action plan and contribute to the party work in general.


This issue manifests itself more intensively at the level of PBOs. However, it does not originate in the PBOs nor does it concern exclusively the organs that are in direct contact with the PBOs. It reflects shortcomings of all the links of the Party starting from the CC. The shortcomings and the guidelines for their overcoming, the responsibilities of the new CC, the role of the cadres in the guidance of the Organisations, in the action among the masses and the mass movement are described in the Theses of the Central Committee.


During the pre-congress process it was stressed that we should endeavour so that all the Party and each PBO separately makes important efforts to come to conclusions concerning our work in the working class, the mass movement and the mass organisations. Some experience has been transferred; however, we should not merely describe the problems and the capabilities of the Party. Starting from the CC, we should help to obtain a more profound experience, to check in a more decisive manner how problems are being solved, how difficulties are being confronted, how complex issues are being handled. The process of studying and drawing conclusions is an important tool for the improvement of our action and its efficiency. The deep examination of our work can ensure the substantial generalisation of our conclusions and the more comprehensive elaboration of our guidelines.


The main responsibility belongs to the CC which should organise systematically the study of the developments in each branch and sector of the economy along with the intensification of the struggle. In addition, it should organise nationwide meetings for each branch and then the responsibility should be assumed by the Cities, Regional and Prefectorial Committees. The links of the Party should ensure the cohesive guidance in each branch concerning the independent political action and the action in the mass movement and the local bodies taking into consideration their self-existence and particularities. Nowadays the majority of the problems derive from the general policy. Thus, there cannot exist any progressive, radical action isolated at a local or narrow sectoral problem. Each field of action is linked with the general political issue.


This problem concerns above all the work of the cadres. We are all obliged to adapt our work in order to meet the current challenges.


As it was proved in the pre-congress work, nowadays we are more mature, experienced and capable to spread our wings, appeal more widely to the people without any hesitation, overcoming the problems caused by the fragmentary work and provide answers to the questions about what is feasible and realistic nowadays.


The choice to discuss both subjects (The action of the Party and the Theses on Socialism) in the 18th Congress has been vindicated. The pre-congress debate highlighted the unity of both issues which is summarised in the slogan COUNTERATTACK and in the necessity to provide answers to fundamental issues caused by the victory of counterrevolution.


There have been several questions and doubts about whether a research of the process of the socialist construction is expedient in a period when the peoples problems become more and more acute. Likewise, whether a party itself can provide answers in depth.


Before the Congress we were assured that we must proceed with the study of the socialist construction without wasting any time. Today, we are absolutely convinced that this discussion cannot be postponed for the future, especially now that the necessity of socialism has become more imperative.


Nowadays it is not possible for a communist party to act effectively, to have a revolutionary strategy elaborated from a scientific viewpoint, to provide answers to the big questions without utilising the positive and negative experience of the socialist revolution and construction. Those who gave up these principles before the counterrevolution, but also afterwards in the name of renewal, have been led to an underestimation even a rejection of the struggle for socialism. This occurred in a period of increased confusion regarding the causes for the capitalist restoration, a period full of disappointment, reduced hopes and questions regarding the feasibility of a true a way out.  Socialism is not a vision; it is a goal to be attained under specific preconditions. One of these is the preparation through the daily struggle as well as the ideological-political vigilance of the subjective factor, something that cannot be attained without drawing experience from the socialist construction. As we stressed in the program of our Party, the anti-imperialist anti-monopoly struggle is integrated into the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism. Every step behind this anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly line is equal to assimilation. There can be no fundamental change besides socialism. Therefore, we have no right to erect barriers between socialism and the struggle for the rallying of the anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly forces, which is the alliance proposal of our.


The course of the socialist construction with its negative and positive experience has stressed the importance of the elaborated strategy of the subjective factor, namely the communist party, the leading force of the working class.         


The Theses on socialism is definitely the continuation of the Document of the Pan-Hellenic Conference in 1995 on Thoughts on the factors that determined the overthrow of the socialist system in Europe.  In this document we study the subjective factor and in general the socialist power, the measures it took at each stage of the socialist construction in view of new and unprecedented problems that had to be solved,  taking into account that the aim of the socialistcommunist society is to satisfy the growing human needs. The internal and international developments are also taken into consideration. Likewise, the strategy of the international communist movement under the conditions of imperialist attack.


Several comrades and friends of the Party evaluate the socialist construction without taking into consideration the relation between economy and politics. Thus, they focus absolutise the subjective factor or they underestimate it, especially under the conditions of socialist power. In the second part of the Congress we will analyse further the remarks and suggestions on the Theses on socialism and underline some points that need to be improved in order to form a comprehensive document and continue after the 18th Congress. 


The recent developments highlight the duty to contribute to the peoples counterattack.


The first incident is the capitalist crisis that hit USA, EU and Japan at the same time. It will have an impact on China, Russia and other countries that had a high rate of capitalist development over the last years. The crisis threatens Greece as well. This prospect is related to the course of the crisis in Balkan States and SE Europe in general. It is also stressed that the crisis will be deep and relatively long term. The character of the crisis, its causes and the stance of the labour and the popular movement in general is not merely an important issue but a matter of principle. The calls for consensus and unity by the governments, the neo-liberal and social-democrat parties as well as the bodies of the employers in order to confront the crisis united are totally misleading and dangerous. They aim at the disarmament of the labour and popular movement; they demand submission and new sacrifices.


Both ND and PASOK are actually saying the same things, though with different phrases and slogans. Both seek for a broad collaboration of the social partners, the production forces in order to reduce the impact of the economic crisis in Greece. At the same time their proposals and choices are marked by two basic guidelines linked to each other: measures to ensure the profitability of the capital on the one hand and on the other, superficial measures for the extreme poverty. They keep playing with the interest rates and the compounding of interest in order preserve the dependence of the workers on home and consumer loans.


ND as the party in government, not having the leisure of a bourgeois opposition remains steadfast in the promotion of anti-worker relations elaborated by the EU through the Cercas Report, the distinction between active and inactive periods of the on-call working time, the attack on the fixed daily working hours that will lead to the abolition of overtime pay and reduce the price of the labour power. ND places emphasis on the consequences of the international economic crisis in order to balance the problems it faces due to the inflated public debt and promote, within the framework of the crisis, the deregulation of the markets and respond to the demands of the capital.


PASOK as well as the particular views of SYRIZA and LAOS do not represent a genuine opposition as their policies do not go beyond the logic of crisis and targets at the national elections.


The crisis cannot be overcome once and for all through management methods such as the reduction of the interest rates, or regulations in order several loans to be paid off in a longer period of time, or the re-nationalisation of several enterprises such as banks and previously state owned enterprises, or the gradual redistribution of income under State intervention through price control measures and benefits for extreme poverty (solidarity funds).


Problems such as the peoples taxation will become more acute through these management measures while the public debt will be inflated. Moreover, the position about the increase of the State control over banks and enterprises is not valid under the deregulation of the markets, the concentration and centralization of capital and the intensification of competition.


Our Party underlined right from the start that the economic crisis which was initially presented as a financial crisis that spread in several production branches, is a crisis caused by the capitalist way of production.


The supporters of the capitalist system, the reformists and opportunists, blame the choices of the neo-liberal and social-democrat parties. Thus, they intend to “whitewash” the capitalist system and present the crisis as a result of the policy of each bourgeois party or as a result of deviation from the allegedly healthy capitalist system. For that reason there has been an excessive use of the terms casino capitalism, extreme free market policy etc. They aim to conceal the fact that the crises are inevitable because the anarchic and uneven development, the erosion of workers purchasing power, the drive for competitiveness are inherent to the nature of the capitalist system. This issue is not merely a theoretical issue. Through the falsification of the crisis nature they intend to make the people accept the management measures. In addition, they intend to ensure the support of the middle strata.


The crisis has shown the limits of the capitalist system. It has demystified the bourgeois propaganda about competitiveness, entrepreneurship, the dynamics of the globalization and the regional unions as well as several contrived notions arguing that all countries together can confront the common dangers. Likewise the propaganda that the process of globalization ensures the global security and collaboration and therefore the people should to support it and not even think to deviate from its choices.


The new Keynesian recipes promote the increase of direct State participation in several banks or productive enterprises with a time frame of two or three years -until the recession is over- without the reintroduction of the employment forms applying before the privatisation.


The proposals of ND and the other parties supporting the EU-one way road as well as the respective ones within the EU, cannot lead to the increase of the price of the labour power as it happened in West Europe in the post-war period.


The headquarters of the imperialist centres take into account the depth and duration of the crisis as well as the fact that it broke out simultaneously. For that reason they make efforts so that the strong imperialist powers will seek for solutions despite the contradictions and rivalries between them. That is the reason why the G7 expanded to G20. At the same time they seek to exploit as much as possible the less developed capitalist countries. Similar efforts have been made in the framework of the EU. However, it is once again obvious that the inter-imperialist rivalries and contradictions are inevitable. Although they agree on the anti-popular, anti-labour measures, the governments of the strong imperialist countries in particular follow different ways at national level. The opportunist position concerning the need for Europe to be integrated into a federal structure with a common policy proves once again to be reactionary. The main issue is not the elaboration of a common policy but its class character.


Even if the people gain some rights as a result of the class struggle and the need for negative impacts to be reduced, especially in periods before the elections, the standard of living cannot be improved as they will soon  evaporate. A new round of crisis will break out and it will be worse, as the current is worse than the previous one. In addition, the danger of imperialist war and inflammation of war hotspots is increased.


Under crisis conditions there are two possibilities for the labour movement: its strength and dynamic, in alliance with the self-employed and the peasants, to spark off progressive processes and reshufflings within the movement or to be left out disarmed and unable to cope with the storm, to remain passive and retreat. Today it is vital for the Party to escalate its efforts in order to strengthen the party building in workplaces and in various branches as well as its ability to rally forces around anti-imperialist anti-monopoly goals.


There is a more imperative need to popularise and increase the influence of the partys policy as a whole as well as the importance of socialisation, nation wide planning, labour control and cooperative production.


The ideological struggle, the ideological conflict within the ranks of the labour movement, the need to strike an ideological and political blow against the reformist opportunist forces that prevent the radicalisation, the class unity, the social alliance, the formation of a social political front struggling for the overthrow of the monopolies’ power and the people’s economy set new challenges for the Party.


The second incident has to do with the outbreak of the popular and youth indignation caused by the murder in cold blood of the student in Exarchia area in Athens. Masses of youths, especially  high school students and university students flooded the streets and shouted slogans against the state violence but also for free public education. The class oriented trade unions have been at their side, making an important step for the common action of the labour and the youth movement.


The lesson from these big demonstrations that motivated a big part of the people and had a big impact also beyond the boarders of the country is the following: an incident can be the a spark that leads to a sudden rise of the movement under specific conditions, namely the indignation caused by the capitalist restructuring policies, the frustration of hopes that it is possible to solve the problems within the limits of the system especially that of the youth , which is the target of the flexible work relations, manipulation and State violence. It hasn’t been a common outbreak; the people expressed their will to struggle for the future and the rights of the new generation.


This outbreak of the youth indignation was described as “peoples uprising” especially by a social-democrat oriented part of the bourgeois Press. On the other hand, SYRIZA characterised the movement as an “uprising of the youth”. PASOK kept is distance and focused on utilising the struggles for the elections and on the need to succeed ND in the government.


There has also been an attempt to mark the mobilisations of the youth through the comeback of structured, trained groups calling themselves “anti-establishment movement”, characterised by hoods and “blind violence” as well as by the use of Molotov cocktails for the destruction and the plundering of shop-windows, banks, public buildings etc. In addition, they were characterised mainly by the absence of political slogans, demands and goals of struggle. They appeared as avengers for the death of the student, as supporters of the struggle against power, against all forms of guidance and organisation.


ND tried to utilise the “blind” violence in order to distort the popular movement, provoke the most reactionary and conservative reactions and justify the State violence against the protesters.  Moreover, it put into effect for the first time the laws of PASOK based on the guidelines of the “EU terror laws”. The way is paved now for ND to implement the reactionary laws that have not been implemented yet due to the movement’s pressure.  


Furthermore, ND used these events as a pretext in order to promote one of its permanent goals: to give the green light to anti-riot forces to enter the universities violating the principle of “asylum” (a law that bars the police forces from entering the university grounds)established after the heroic “Polytechnic uprising” during dictatorship period.


PASOK has been two-faced. Nevertheless, it did not manage to conceal its aversion to the forms of struggle such as occupations, demonstrations, politicised struggles against the policy of both parties in power. One the one hand it condemned the governmental authoritarianism, the repressive actions of the Security forces and on the other hand it accused the government of being passive towards the destructions caused by the hooded persons.


SYRIZA has gone beyond the limits of opportunism and anti-communism utilising the leading cadre of opportunism that played a prominent role in the past in the effort to mutate KKE through the 1968 split. Although in the past it condemned KKE for “revolutionary gymnastics” because it repeatedly supported politicised demands and advanced forms of struggle or because it had the strength to oppose to the ban on a protest march to the American embassy during the Clinton’s visit in Greece, it openly supported the action of hooded persons and described hoods and stones as modern weapons of the youth uprising. Its choice to collaborate with extra-parliamentary leftist anti-KKE groups and be proclaimed as the main force of an anarchist-autonomist pole is fully in line with the plans of the bourgeois political forces that need an excuse for the State repression, an obstacle against the radicalisation of the popular masses and especially against KKE and KNE.


SYN/SYRIZA and its allies failed to bring the action of the hooded persons in the students’ mobilisations.


LAOS showed its aversion to the mass popular action, the militant forms of struggle and became a supporter of the police violence.


But, what was actually happening for 15 days after the murder of the student and the attempted murder against another student, member of the school council, in Peristeri?


A sudden rise of the people’s action and indignation expressed through mass youth demonstrations that touched the heart and mind of thousands of workers who supported and participated in the youth struggles. It was a sudden outbreak but definitely not a popular uprising. Furthermore, since the era of Spartacus rebellion and the slaves’ rebellions in general, as well as the era of the workers’ and peoples’ revolutions in the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th century it is commonly acknowledged that the popular uprisings always have several characteristics such as organisation, promotion of political demands, mass character, heroism, self-sacrifice and fearlessness towards violence. None of these characterised the action of the hooded persons and especially their leaders and their well-organised main core.


The spontaneity of the youth may be expressed in various ways and yet in a period when young people experience the problems of their families and their surroundings, feel insecurity for the future or know that the future will be painful for them. However, the so-called “anti-establishment movement” has nothing to do with the spontaneity of the young people. On the contrary, it is a tool operating at the expense of the movement, it is quite far from being anti-establishment as its action shows that it is guided, strictly organised and disciplined. Besides, its main core is involved in the State mechanisms and agencies; for many years it has acted unhindered popping in and out of universities and had its own nests and though it still appears as the known-unknowns. The action of the hooded persons and the welter of anarchist-autonomist views and practices that SYRIZA wanted to present as a new development in the movement has not influenced the masses of the young people.


The core of the so-called “anti-establishment” forces makes efforts to expand its action also within the labour movement, among young workers who face flexible forms of employment, poverty-level wages, feel anger and indignation while they do not have experience from class struggle. 


Our Party distinguished from the beginning the mass youth demonstrations from the action of the so-called anti-establishment forces. The responsibilities of the Party and KNE increase. They need to make intensive efforts against the State violence and repression, the employers violence and intimidation, the terror laws of ND and PASOK. It is our responsibility to strengthen the ideological political work among the young people as well as the struggle for their rights in order for them to struggle for the anti-imperialist, antimonopoly democratic front.


The small and medium sized peasants organised recently big and dynamic mobilizations setting many road blocks in national and regional roads. These mobilisations have some new aspects in comparison with the previous ones at the end of the 90s. One of these is the mass participation of young peasants who feel that their survival is threatened through the CAP that was implemented in Greece by ND and PASOK. At the same time there is a new group of peasants which has grown over the last years, peasants who cannot make ends meet with their slender income and resort to a secondary job mainly in the urban centres nearby. The latter constitute a dynamic segment of the peasants that have not participated in the blockades due to their double employment. Nevertheless, they consist a dynamic segment of the peasants movement that requires a special work. This work can contribute to the improvement of the orientation of the peasants movement as well as to their action in the labour movement. The difference of demands and goals among the various blockades has not to do merely with the balance of political forces in the bodies and the Struggle Committees of the peasants movement; it also derives from the peasants stratification. After the Congress the leading bodies that kept up with the mobilisations as well as the new CC should study the conclusions and the new trends in order to adapt our work as required.


The fourth issue that attracted the attention of the people after the release of the Theses of the CC was the brutal Israeli attack on Gaza. Once again we experienced the indignation and the emotion of the Greek people. Our Party played a leading role in the mobilisations through its independent action but also through the support of the initiatives and mobilisations of hundreds mass organisations also at local level. We proposed stoppages and sympathy strikes but, unfortunately, they have not been accepted by GSEE. We regard as positive the fact that several Federations participating in PAME took the initiative to organise strikes. Our Party believes that the people should clearly know the real content of support and solidarity, in order not to be disoriented. PASOK and ND as well as mass organisations guided by those parties tried to restrict the debate to the humanitarian aid concealing the policy of equal distances the choice to blame equally the victim and the victimiser. We should not stop expressing our solidarity to the Palestinian people. The necessity to establish a Palestinian state with east Jerusalem as its capital, to deal with the issues of settlements and the wall in the west bank and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Palestinian land are  more important than any form of humanitarian aid and solidarity. In addition the choices of the new US president should not disorient the people and create illusions. We are not deceived by his manoeuvres. We are aware of the flagrant support expressed by him and the Secretary of State Hilary Clinton in the pre-election period.



We should focus our attention to the objective conditions that are maturing, to the role of the struggle of ideas in the ranks of the movement, to the development of the ideological struggle on the basis of the two paths of development.


Nowadays, it is, more than ever, crucial and essential to promote the viewpoint that the struggle for acute problems must turn into a struggle against the power of monopolies. This is exactly the reason why the issue of the two ways of development of the Greek economy must be placed in the centre of our mass, ideological and political work.


The one path of development is the one we have experienced all these years, and has become even harder over the last twenty years, especially after the Treaty of Maastricht. It is a way that serves the interests of the capital and the monopolies; it is the way that consolidates the EU and NATO choices.


The other way is the one that promotes the Anti-imperialist, Anti-monopoly, Democratic Front of struggle (AADF), the working class alliance with the self-employed and the owners of small and medium-sized farm holdings, leading to the people’s power and economy. It is the way which recognises the worker as the only producer of wealth.


Today, the objective conditions for the development of political consciousness in wider parts of the working class are being created, despite the fact that the negative consequences of the temporary defeat and retreat of the powers of socialism have not ceased to have an effect.


Comparing to the past the Communist Party of Greece is much more mature, battle hardened and better prepared, on one hand, to forge closer and wider militant links with employees and in general, salaried workers, peasants, self-employed, the youth and women, who experience the consequences of the capitalist restructuring that has been systematically promoted since 1992 and on the other hand, to contribute in the forming of the widest possible coalition of powers facing the crisis consequences on the basis of counterattack, rupture and overthrow. 


A more experienced and steeled Communist Youth of Greece (KNE) stands on the side of our Party. KNE has strengthened its action within the young workers and the working youth in general as well as improved its action and contribution in the high school and university students’ movement. What is very important is that KNE has made progress in the way of conducting the ideological fight in its area of action, that is, through well elaborated positions concerning all the different segments of the youth.


Our Party, throughout its 90-year-old course, has and still concentrates its attention to its action within the working people, the mass organisations, the movements, and generally in the popular masses. Similarly to the direction followed in the last 4 years, our party’s obligation is to be profoundly familiar with the people’s problems, to be ready to fight and organise the struggle, to reinforce every popular action, taking into account all the needs and the demands that are promoted by each sector at municipality or neighbourhood level, even if they concern a smaller group of people. Every expression of mass action must be supported. A crucial element of our Party’s efficiency is the way we act within the working class and its allies, that is, the poor peasants and the self- employed who will be benefited from the fight against the monopolies and imperialism and objectively represent the social forces of the Anti-imperialist, Anti-monopoly, Democratic Front (AADF).  The working class and its allies in the fight, as well as their movements are those who will define the massiveness, the range, the struggle effectiveness, and the concentration of forces fighting for counterattack, rupture and overthrow.


Nowadays, an issue of crucial importance is also the well organised and elaborated struggle against the ideological dominance of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois concepts, combined with the intensification of the struggle against the reformist and opportunist influence. The ideological conflict represents a key prerequisite for the participation of new working and popular masses in the struggle, for the promotion of the social alliance. Without an ideological counter-attack, we cannot deal with the organisation of the struggle of employees, and the working people in general, on the eve of the coming financial crisis, possibly followed by an outburst of peoples anger, which must be upgraded to a conscious political struggle, through elevated forms of struggle corresponding to the intensity of the problems.


This does in the least reduce the importance of the practical organisation of the struggle for the problems that spring up on a daily basis. We have already had rich experience from the immediate intervention of class oriented trade unions against dismissals, or for the re- employment of fired workers and the payment of wages held by employers.  Relevant experience came out from the struggle against the abolition of the Sunday off-day, against labour accidents, as well as the expression of solidarity to the foreign workers in our country. Therefore the Party should focus on constant organising work within the Party and the workers’-people’s movement, elaboration of goals of struggle, suitable arrangement of forces, various forms of struggle and specific ideological measures.


The struggle of ideas must impregnate the practical action and, in certain cases it must even attain priority with special campaigns and targeted programmed activity opening the debate with the masses, above all with the employees, in the places of residence, in the workplaces, in each sector. The battle of ideas is a key prerequisite for the organisation of the masses. Nowadays it represents the most important organising factor in the disillusionment of the popular masses, and especially the employees along with the new shift of the working class, that is, the youth. There are similar requirements regarding the agricultural movement particularly the the small and medium sized peasants and the self- employed.


It becomes clear that it isnt enough for a movement to set some positive goals of struggle, such as raises in wages, fight against dismissals, guaranteed employment, and social policy. What is today the determinant for a successful movement, which will contribute to positive developments, is the ideological and political framework of its struggle objectives. Unity on the problem is not sufficient today. What is important is in which political framework are demands being included, which ideological positions run through them.


Of course, we do not expect the trade unions and the forces in various branches to adopt the ideological and political framework of the Party as well as the Partys ideology. The trade union and the federation mobilise employees and working people who do not share the same ideas and are influenced to one or another extend by different parties. However, reality and the challenges of the struggle, leads the workers movement to build a front confronting bourgeois ideas and perceptions, reformism and opportunism on the basis of the experience gained through class and massive  struggle. Ideological, political and financial struggle cannot be seen as separate units.


It is very important for the employees and the working people in general, who are influenced by our targeted and constant action, to use their own experience and start pursuing the alternative path of development counter to monopolies and imperialist policies. We must get across what are the profits for the vast majority coming from People’s Power and Economy. It is also essential to form an image of the socialist perspective, enriched by the experience of the socialist construction and of the main causes that led to the victory of the counter-revolution.


During the pre-Congress discussion, certain comrades concerned about our activities and about the need to bring together additional popular forces, expressed the opinion that the highlighting of the general strategic goals of the Party might hinder the common action with working people that are interested about a particular problem without having reached a higher level of consciousness. We cannot agree with this opinion. It is essential that we become more capable and careful in the ways of politicising the struggle, more competent in constantly reviewing the way we work, as well as the difficulties we face and how we deal with different issues. Such kinds of shortcomings still exist in our action, but our general direction is correct.


The regroupement of the workers movement, the social alliance and the strengthening of the KKE and the KNE: guarantee and hope for a positive perspective in the way of counter-attack, rift and overthrow


Over the last years the position of workers, self-employed, women and youth has been deteriorating day by day. The general consequences referred to in the Theses, regarding the structure of the Greek economy, the destruction and depreciation of the productive forces, as well as the acute problems concerning social infrastructure, prevention, protection and healthcare, water supplies etc., are of great importance. We also take into account the problems of criminality, drugs, racist and nationalist phenomena that may rise if not faced vigorously. Likewise, the situation is also worsened in sports, culture and in the role of the mass media. However, today we give priority to where the situation is going, to the fact that the worse is coming.


We do not face merely important tasks and problems, but big rising needs. Nothing can be prevented, if we just follow a defensive policy. It is an illusion to believe that ordinary struggles can be effective. What is more, it should be made clear that the alteration of governments of bourgeois and petit-bourgeois compromised parties cannot bring anything good to the people and their everyday life.


Indicators for the regroupement of the movement


1.         Encouragement of new masses to participate in the organised action, to contribute actively in the process for the movement’s development and the formation of a common front of struggle, a social alliance which, through the particularities and peculiarities of each movement, will be dealing in a unified way with economic social and political issues. Those masses unite in a single goal of struggle against the power of the monopolies, in order to form a new kind of power. The peoples power is totally different from the power of the monopolies concerning its content and the ways it is exercised.


What do we mean with the term new popular masses?


A part of them may come from the return of workers who have quit struggling for various reasons. But most of them should come from younger people, on whom the practical work and the call for organization and active participation should be focused. In the new forces, there are also immigrants, young self-employed and farmers who have a second job in order to make ends meet. There should be particular efforts and special action for young women workers and mothers who face objective difficulties. So it is a matter of persistent and stable orientation to the mass growth and activation of new forces. Our Party has a great responsibility for the development of the mass working class and popular movement in the sense that the success of our activities and initiatives should be measured by how many new forces are rallied and led towards the organised action.  In the Theses of the CC this point is stressed as the weak point of the Party, in spite of the progress it has made. Around the Party, next to the Party, next to each (PBO), there are reserves that we should encourage, in order to lead them towards the organised action. Of course, it is also their responsibility, but before giving out responsibilities, we should take measures and take action. We just have to believe in the ability of the Party to mobilise; we should just take multifaceted ideological, political and organisational measures, like those analysed in the Theses, according to our experience.


2.         Attainment of the goal for anti-monopoly anti-imperialist direction of the struggle of the workers movement, and above all of the allies of the working class. Today, it is impossible for the working and popular movements to have an orientation equivalent to the contemporary needs, if the people do not realise the harmful and even destructive role played by the ND and PASOK leaderships, as well as by forces that overtly or indirectly support the bourgeois policy and the EU strategy, such as SYN/SYRIZA, in GSEE (Greek General Confederation of Labour), ADEDY (Supreme Administration of Greek Civil Servants Trade Unions), GESASE (General Confederation of Greek Agrarian Associations), PASEGES (Panhellenic Confederation of Unions of Agricultural Cooperatives), GSEVEE (Hellenic Confederation of Professionals, Craftsmen and Merchants) and ESEE (National Confederation of Hellenic Commerce), as well as in other trade unions at smaller level. The anti-monopoly direction also requires action for the weakening of narrow sectoral, reformist, opportunist perceptions and individualism. It is not enough to highlight the problems; besides, the problems are so acute that we do not need much effort to bring them forward. What we need is the development of the class perception of the consequences of each governmental anti-people’s policy. Normally the struggle turns against the government but this is not enough. It must develop to a struggle against the parties that alternate in power, namely against the class that is in power. The working class is not exploited only by a specific employer, but by the bourgeoisie as a total, through its power, namely through its institutional and legal system. All these constitute a qualitative element for the awareness and the orientation of the movement; as far as the movement is reinforced, there are more possibilities for important changes in the scope of action and the influence of the workers’ movement upon the developments, in order to prevent worse measures, to achieve some gains.


3.         The regroupement of the movement is practically possible only through the strengthening of PAME, as well as of PASY (Peasants’ Militant Rally) and the various fronts of the self-employed. The formation of a coalition in the students’ movement, the coordination with the high school students movement at nationide level will also be helpful. Specifying the action in the youth and the women of each branch or sector of economy is one of the essential conditions in order to utilise the important reserves, that have not been utilised yet. We have to promote the basic industrial zones at national level as an axe of action and initiatives -even from the outside- (without organised forces in the workplaces) , in order to highlight their importance for the movement. We have to elaborate various forms to rally forces in these zones, even in embryonic form. We have to help the special action of PAME and other fronts, since around these zones there are peasants and self-employed. It is also of great importance to support the action of organisations at national level that can coordinate radical progressive forces, such as organisations of the anti-war, anti-imperialist peace movement, of international solidarity, of the struggle for democratic freedoms, for equality and for the women’s emancipation. These organisations should be supported at central, but also at local level for. It is also important to expand the anti-imperialist anti-war movement, in order to express international solidarity to peoples suffering from the consequences of the war, from reactionary regimes, from multiform imperialist interventions, from poverty and from bans on the political and trade union activity of the progressive radical movements, parties and mass organisations. The growth, the organisation and the politicisation of these struggles and movements, through their common action and the alliance with the movement of social forces, the working class and their allies, will contribute to the strengthening of the entire progress of the popular movement.


New trade unions, mainly primary ones, and trade union cadres must rally according to the developments or cooperate with PAME generally in the class struggle or in specific essential issues. Thus, they will realise through their experience that PAME can and must be promoted as the only trade union, labour organisation that represents the working class; that it can and must take initiatives for the alliance with the movements of the self-employed and the farmers and the respective fronts, PASY and that  of the self-employed.


It is now urgent to strengthen PAME especially due to the economic crisis. This issue is linked to the change in the correlation of forces in the trade unions, above all in the primary sectorial ones and – to the extent it’s possible – in the federations. It is urgent to promote the organisation of the workers in each prefecture by sector, in order to promote the unity of the working class and counter the new wave of multi-fragmentation on the basis of working relations. This form of organisation should embrace its new segments gathered in developing sectors, as well as those deriving from the abolition of protection to certain professions, namely the opening of closed trades. In this framework, we consider that PAME should constantly ensure that it makes overtures to primary-level trade unions, by sector, that it discusses with the workers the demands and its general proposals.


4. The adoption of the anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist framework of action and the consciousness that there is only one perspective: People’s Power and People’s Economy. Of course, this consciousness will not be developed in a straight line without delays. However, the demand for a political change must get beyond the concept of governmental change and be comprehended as class change at the level of power. There should be a clear distinction in the masses minds between a government that is elected by the people and supports the system and a people’s government that expresses the working class and the popular strata as a “product” of people’s victory over the bourgeois power and the monopoly domination. 


The capitalist restructurings which are systematically implemented according to a common EU plan derive from the internal needs of the capitalist system. The bourgeois political system and the capital were obliged to abandon the strategy of an expanded State business sector and several collective concessions to the working class and the popular strata. This strategy has been a combination of the results of the class struggle on a basis of a relative better correlation, and the need of the system to grant some benefits so as to assimilate segments of the working class and form a more modern working force that would offer a bigger surplus value. The necessity for an adjustment of the capital strategy in the new conditions, as well as the need for securing more freedom to move out of the state borders had grown mature. Likewise the necessity for privatisations contributing to the promotion of buyouts and mergers as well as the necessity for the deterioration of the employment forms in the developed capitalist economies, since the international capitalist labour power market has been set to much lower levels, as countries like India and China have taken the biggest share of important branches of capitalist manufacturing sector. The same is expressed through the expansion and deepening of monopolies involvement in the social sector, the intensification of State violence, the militarisation, the instigation of local wars etc.


The policies of PASOK and ND serve the goal of the bourgeoisie to manage in its own interests the tendency of reshuffling of market’s shares among the most powerful imperialist forces in order to upgrade its geo-strategic role. Within this framework, the further interweaving of domestic and foreign capital has intensified. This interweaving is expressed in a negative way under conditions of a generalised and synchronized outbreak of the economic crisis. The course of intra-imperialist contradictions, the geostrategic interests of the other EU member States, as well as the contradictions between the EU, the USA and Russia determine the flow of foreign investments into, as well as the development of the social and political balance of forces. In any case, there is no common interest for the working and the bourgeois class.


The growth of the domestic monopoly groups’ competitiveness lies in the fact that the price of working force is becoming cheaper, the self employed are diminishing and in general, the oppression and poverty of the people increases. The relevant delay in the Greek manufacturing sector in comparison to the EU of the “15” constitutes a permanent structural element of the Greek capitalism, which has deteriorated within the Euro zone. The regional development programs could not put an end to the uneven development of the Greek capitalism. The solution for the working people does not lie in the adoption of productivity goals related to the capital competitiveness and the profitability. The workers should regard the issue of productivity as a part of their own power that organises the production and the economy as a whole according to the social needs. The solution for the working people does not lie in going back to the small enterprises or to state intervention, state business activity which is connected to the monopolies, but to move forward to the establishment of Peoples Economy.


The working people, will realise ,through their own experience, the relation of their demands with the goals of Peoples Power and Economy. Thus, they will come closer to the KKE, support it and strengthen it.


5.       The strengthening  of workers’ internationalism at global and regional level, the conflict with international trade union organisations that lead to the disarmament and assimilation of the labour movement; development of the international workers’ solidarity; continuing the efforts for the enforcement of the international common action, expansion of this front with new labour forces and class-orientated organisations.




The goals of struggle, the guidelines and demands stress the necessity to choose another path of development different from the development serving the interests of the monopolies and the capital in general. The progress of the Partys strategy is measured by the extent to which this necessity is adopted by the labour movement in order for it to be effective and vigilant.


The various segments of the working class should develop a common action no matter if they work in the public or private sector, irrespective of the forms of employment. Thus, the solidarity and understanding between the relatively high-paid segments that work under more stable forms of employment and the rest segments of the working class constitutes a key prerequisite. In addition, the action among the young workers, women and immigrants - no matter if they have a residence and employment permit or not- must be the main point of this action. The labour movement has the main responsibility for the development of the social alliance. The unification of the action can be accomplished only by the class oriented movement, by PAME and the various anti-monopoly movements.


The platform of demands should ensure that the workers will not be trapped by the deceptive manoeuvres or discretionary and poverty level measures that are not effective on the one hand, and on the other break the workers unity. The demands aim at preserving the last gains of the workers, at ensuring a certain rise of their wage and especially at ensuring the right to work without retreating under the threat of dismissal. Even in case of the formal annual rise, the purchasing power of wages and salaries decreases. In capitalism, even the redistribution of income evaporates or decreases for the majority of the people for instance though part-time employment, arrangement of working time, prolongation of the working time, the rise of taxation etc.


Therefore the workers should promote demands concerning employment and wages as well as their social needs. The demands should also concern guidelines in the sector of economy and not restricting merely to the level of economy management. Generally they should go beyond the feasible and immediate even more so under the crisis conditions when the attack against the working class becomes more intense. Furthermore, it should adopt a specific action plan with a prospect as the social needs increase while the gab between their realisation grows.


Workers should also take into consideration the accumulation and centralisation of capital, the profitability, the respective trends in Europe characterised by the deterioration of their position, the intra-imperialist rivalries, the unequal relations and the interdependency.


The workers should also take into account the visions of the governments of ND and PASOK about the promotion of Greece to the hard core of the EU, and its promotion as an intermediate crossroad for the networks of energy transportation, telecommunications and transportations from South East to West Europe. This vision entails the constant sacrifices of the workers and hinders the overall development of the domestic production possibilities as well as the relatively independent domestic production. These possibilities can be promoted only within the peoples power. The peoples power seeks the required international co operations for the realisation of the social needs against the imperialist choices and commitments.


The employees should feel solidarity for the self-employed. The latter should not place the burden by the monopolies pressure on the small number of their employees. They should struggle united against the capitalist enterprises but also against the medium ones that support the monopolies. Only the united front of workers, self employed and peasants which is impervious to compromise and guild division can have positive effects and bring about positive political reshufflings capable of paving the way that serves the interests of the people, the way of overthrow.


The workers leaded by the working class must realise that the general and local development programmes serve only the profitability of the capital. There are no mutual interests between the people and the monopolies.


The common goals of the working class and the popular strata should be: 


A. Demands concerning the improvement of the conditions for the selling and reproduction of labour power that have nothing to do with the allegedly alternative taxation and labour policies proposed by the other opposition parties. These demands become even more important under the conditions of the outbreak of the crisis that will be followed by a more intense attack against wages, forms of employment while the state violence and the workers intimidation will increase as well. The antidemocrat and anti-labour laws that stress the class content of the democracy are also part of this attack. It should be also explained why in capitalism the relatively feasible and necessary is the struggle for the improvement of the conditions for the selling of the labour power as well as the difference between the reformist opportunist positions presenting the redistribution of income as the major political issue. The positions about the redistribution of income are based on the notions of the so-called human capitalism and class collaboration, as they call the class subordination and retreat. They do not lead to a substantial improvement but on the contrary they serve the acceptance of the status quo of class exploitation. It is revealed that the position on state control and intervention on prices has no value in practice. Nowadays, the workers can be benefited from the reduction of taxes, the abolition of several taxes and tolls, and of course the establishment of free education, health care etc. A major issue is the daily working time, namely a seven hour workday, a five-day workweek and 35-hour work-day according to the demands of the class oriented movement and against the plans for the liberalisation of the working time and the 7-day weekly operation of the large commercial establishments. The arrangement of the working time should cause a debate among the ranks of the labour movement on the necessary and surplus working time. Thus, the issue of the surplus value and the forms of the increase of exploitation can be related with the arrangement of the working time. Furthermore it should be also combined with the interests of the self-employed.


The goals of struggle include: the minimum daily wages, salaries, pensions, forms of employment, working hours, tax allowances, social security, education, health-care system, housing for the people, social oriented tourism, special demands for young couples, maternity, children, the elderly, people with special needs etc. The issue of education has to do with a different path of development which arranges according to a nationwide planning the vocational training and scientific education, solves the problem of unemployment and utilises the production forces in order to meet the material and cultural needs of the people. It should be explained why the workers should reject demands concerning benefits, special regulations, exceptions, that constitute targeted concessions. The special concessions and measures in each branch in case of hazardous occupations or if they are required in a specific region//district are totally different. 


It is important to find the lines connecting the working class with the middle strata e.g. the position that employees, peasants, self-employed, should have free universal Education, free health-care system and social policy in general, irrespective from social security bodies, salaries, forms of employment and without any business activity in these sectors.


In addition, people should bring forward the abolition of business associations and PPPs (Public-private partnerships) in the sectors of social protection and public works. Forests, beaches, public spaces should be turned into public property and be combined with public works, for new  public spaces relieving the urban centres as well as social, environmental, cultural works, places for camping and social oriented tourism. Likewise the issue of armaments and the participation of Greece in imperialist plans and wars. The real needs for the defence of our country can be realised only within the peoples power. The demand for the abolition of military expenditure in order to spare money for social policy is not right. The social policy and its character are not determined by the amount of the military expenditures as it happens in countries that have lower military expenditures than Greece.


The life of the working class is inextricably linked with the developments in the agricultural production and the negative consequences of the general strategy and the new CAP, namely the capitalist accumulation of land and production, the shrinkage of production, the increase of the imports of agricultural products and the growing food dependency. The deterioration of the position of the small and medium scaled farmers as well as the acute problems of the self employed who mainly suffer from the action and the increasing penetration of the monopolies in the trade production sector concerns also the working class and reversely. The understanding of this relation is the basis for a wider and deeper work for the progress of the social alliance, AAD front.


The joint struggle of the social forces and the other movements that adopt anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly goals of struggle should be expressed through the respective forms of joint action and organisation at local level, in prefectures and cities. However, these forms of struggle should not substitute the responsibility of each movement in its field of action in order for new masses to be organised and participate in the struggle.


B. The condemnation of all privatisations so far. The struggle to prevent new ones. The need for public vertically organised enterprises in sectors of strategic importance, public utility along with the abrogation of flexible forms of employment, concession contracts, international agreements with monopolies etc. These platform of demands constitutes a part of the struggle for their social ownership. Struggle against the capitalist restructuring in the field of education. It is the response of the movement to the strategy of the capital, a practical opposition to the strategy of the capital and the EU.


This point constitutes the difference between the line of counterattack, rupture and overthrow and the line of management. For that reason the goals of struggle mentioned above should be combined with the need to overthrow the balance of forces and the need of socialisation and creation of cooperatives within the peoples power. We underline the differences between these goals of struggle and the positions concerning the increase of State intervention, re-nationalisation of several enterprises, creation of State owned enterprises or under state control. The difference lies in the fact that the notions public enterprise, public peoples property include demands and goals that concern employees, peasants, self-employed  who are linked together through the nation-wide planning. In addition, the difference between the character of the public enterprises promoted by the mass movement and those of the parties of the bourgeois management is that the first do not coexist with the private enterprise conglomerates. It is imperative to shed any confusion since in the workers minds the State entities in control of the socialised means of production and central planning are often identified with the capitalist state capitalist enterprises. Thus, there is a need to solve this confusion. The terms public property and public enterprises can be used by bodies and segments of the movement that due to their experience, level and balance of forces have difficulties in adopting terms such as socialisation and peoples property that are promoted by the trade unions and PAME. The Party should make clear that these public bodies are integrated to the peoples power. At the same time we should propagate our positions for socialism more intensively.


C. The issue of the participation of Greece in NATO and EU. It s time for the various bodies of the movement to elaborate a plan in order to promote the issue of disobedience, and disengagement as a response to the position for a change within the EU etc. Thus, we can start a debate on the ability of the country to stand on its feet under different conditions of political power and under what terms it can participate in international co-operations. The notion of one-way roads and the scaremongering propaganda must be systematically refuted. In addition, the movement should make an effort to highlight the balance between the EU funds and our country’s contributions. The term of balance is a response to the propaganda that community funds are allocated to Greece as well as to the arguments that a country that disengages is endangered. There is also a need to promote the conceptions of compliance, uneven development, dependence and interdependence. In that way we can refute the position that Greece is a small and dependent country and cannot follow a path of development at the interests of the people, contrary to the capitalist development.


The position that Greece can stand on its own feet, without any imperialist commitments should be consolidated.  The question whether a country can follow itself a different path of development or not is based on a false dilemma. Our position brings forward the start of the process of overthrow in each country in a period of mature objective and subjective conditions. This overthrow, no matter where it starts from, it will bring about the acceleration of developments. The Greece of people’s power and economy does not run the risks that the ruling class claims. These risks concern above all the ruling class itself and not the working people. However, this does not mean that the way to the overthrow will be easy. The workers should be aware of this. They will have to confront the resistance and reaction of the ruling class, its allies. There is no other choice. Capitalism calls for new sacrifices every day. From that point of view it is worth to sacrifice for the struggle. 




The shortcomings in the Party building, in the rates of workers recruitment and the methodical effort for the overall development of cadres from the working class and women especially, continue to be a weak spot of our Party. However, this does not entail that the Party has not made any progress.


Although we are not contented with the rates of the Party’s development, we should take into account the fact that the Party is able to replace the losses, caused by deaths and expulsion of party members who did not fulfill the obligations foreseen by the Party’s Statutes, even under aggravating conditions due to the consequences of the victory of the counterrevolution and the difficulties concerning the situation of the workers’ and people’s movement, as well as the new conditions formed by the new forms of employment. Over the last three years the Party has managed to increase its forces as a whole.  In addition, the new situation that is forming, allows us to expect a stable rise, as long as we work in the appropriate way, which we analysed above. Thus, the main issue is to reinforce this tendency.


The age composition of the party members improves slowly but steadily as a whole but also at local level.         


The organisational rearrangement of Party Organisations on a sectoral basis, gathering and developing forces in work sectors and workplaces, has proceeded and had positive results.


The 4,5 % increase of the women in the Party , and the renewal of party forces are also important. 37,2% of party members joined the Party after the crisis of the period 1990-1991. In addition, there is a 4% increase of the PBOS in factories, in various workplaces and work sectors as well as an increase of the members of these organisations. Moreover, the employees of the private sector increased by 2,3%, the self-employed by 2,3% and the students by 1,45%.


The shortcomings are measured according to the needs of the struggle, the spectrum of our action and the improvement of the Party’s action, as a whole.


These shortcomings are also reflected in the low circulation of “Rizospastis” and “Communist Review” that constitute the organs for the ideological political work and help the party members to move beyond the constraints of personal experience and narrow horizons.


This shortcoming does not reflect the increase of the influence of the Party in the movement and its role in the positive reshufflings.


We should study this shortcoming on the basis of the general developments in the Greek economy. It is linked with the indicators for the regroupement of the labour movement: the planned, focused, multifaceted ideological-political, mass actions in new developing branches and sectors, among young people working under new employment forms, for the specification of our action according to the particularities of each branch, for the specification of our action in youth.


Furthermore the shortcomings underlined by the CC are not the same, nor at the same level with the ones spoted in the 17th Congress. We have definitely made a progress; we have formed a basis of positive work. However, we should not measure the improvement only in comparison with the situation in the past but also taking into account the current and future needs


The Theses of the CC refer the points of our work on which we should focus our attention. It is also added that we should get rid of a routine and amateurish way of working among the working class and its movement. In our action, we should take seriously into account the multiplicity of working relations as well as the age and sex of the workers in each sector. Furthermore, we should be aware of the conditions in each sector of production concerning trade and services, the degree of monopolisation, the competition between the various sectors as well as within the same sector and the international developments. We should have a precise overview of the policy of the employers towards the working class and the employees in general, concerning salaries, benefits, safety and hygiene in work places, the damaging factors for the environment and the workers’ health. Furthermore, we should spot the consequences for the workers of the monopolies activities in each sector. Only in that way can our action be complete, act and provide a future prospect and the ability to forecast the developments. This requires methodical work without casualness or amateurism. All the bodies of the Party until the level of PBO should serve the main goal, namely the expansion of links with the working class and its segments, their organisation in the trade union movement, their consolidation on the basis of the Party’s initiatives, and the recruitment plans.


It is not enough to refer to the problems of the working class and constently repeat the terms class movement, class struggle and class unity. The contribution to the formation of class perception and class criteria is of great importance. It requires a more complex and deep work. It is not enough to highlight and describe the problems.


The rearrangement of forces through the gathering of forces in work sectors and workplaces has undoubtedly strengthened our orientation to the working class. The sectoral organisations organised better the ideological and political work and the action in the movement. At the same time there has been a general progress in the orientation of the local organisations concerning the action in workplaces of their territory.


The ideological action of Party has difficulties, that should be reduced and in some cases overcome, e.g. more and more obstacles are put to the direct communication with workers in several workplaces, especially, since several industrial units concentrated in district industrial zones, where the workers go to work by car and therefore its not possible to discuss with them at the entrance gate. In most cases the place of residence and workplace are different and therefore the multifaceted work becomes more difficult. Likewise, the change of forms of employment, and the different shifts of the workers. The lack of free time, especially in urban centres is an other difficulty for the contact and the conversation with workers. Likewise, the rise of employers terrorism, the new mechanisms of workers’ surveillance through cameras, the fear of dismissal. It is also important that the big majority of the factory trade unions are controled by the employers.


Nowadays, the ideological, political, cultural work, as well as the organisation, information, and conversation with the people should have many forms and a multifaceted content. There is a greater need to ensure the common orientation of the Organisations in the working class and the movement, taking into consideration the need to discuss the general political issues, specify and adjust our action according to the particularities of each field of action. The daily utilisation of “Rizospastis” and “Communist Review”, the study of the publications of the Party and “Sychroni Epochi” are of great importance.


The Ability to Specialise and Adjust without Altering the General Axis of Struggle


The theses of the CC refer to the progress which the Party has made in its activity guided by its strategy, the ability to adjust to every phase of the movement or according to developments  in Greece, in the region, and more generally.


This ability to act with a stable central axis of struggle for another path of development which means activity for the front , the line of counterattack, rupture and overthrow for popular power, requires the struggle to be more essential, with the ability for specialization in every industry, on every problem, in every field, without blurring the general political line, but without, in the name of our general strategy, not to have the ability to work with worker-employees, lower-middle strata in the city and in the countryside with different levels of political maturity, still trapped by the ideological arguments and diversionary tactics of the parties . An integral element of the ability to elaborate our strategy is our action concerning the policy of the alliances of the working class, of the labour movement, with a class orientation. The orientation towards the working class should not be understood as an abandoning of our activity in the lower-middle strata, whose position, objectively, however they may understand it, must be on the side of the working class. Through our activity in the working class, we must help to enlighten, and with practical initiatives, to be understood, in each industry, in as large a section of the working class as possible, the need for joint goals and struggle slogans, demands, concerning the problems they share with other strata. Through this activity of the labour movement, the working class will achieve its leading, vanguard role. When the small farmer is suffering and being driven from the land, the working class, the majority of the people suffers a setback. And the reverse is true. No other political force, or which could emerge, is in a position to see clearly the question of the social alliance, as well as see clearly the social-class layering, the role and position of the working class in the capitalist system of production.


Specialisation in our work, in the mass movement, demands a shift towards the problems of younger age groups, as these suffer directly from the consequences of the capitalist restructurings in a period which face multi-faceted problems. The same is true for our activity amongst women. Specialisation of work amongst youth and women does not mean the creation of parallel, separate channels of work, for the leading role of the Party to be upgraded in their organized movements, but also the enrichment and deepening of our work amongst the working class and its allies.


As far as the youth is concerned, every influence from the known dominant views which opportunism especially strengthens, that the youth is autonomous, something outside of the movement, which needs a different approach, which does not ally easily with other age-groups, to the extent to which these views exist they must be defeated.


Yesterday, today and tomorrow the youth will have its special characteristics, the transient nature of its views,  or the specificities of the period it experiences, nevertheless these are not insurmountable given a knowledge of the problems of the  and the right communication in order to link it with the labour movement and other sections of the popular movement. The crucial link is the discussion and struggle concerning their problems. We have a plan of action for the youth and for support for KNE, we refer to the decision of the Pan-Hellenic conference which contains important assessments concerning the youth, its problems, and the situation in the movement, indicates specific ideological, political and organizational measures, goals of struggle and demands.


It is positive that a new generation of cadre is developing, some coming from KNE, which can immediately or relatively quickly renew the cadre force from top to bottom. A special effort is needed for the identification and promotion of young trade union cadre.


The new CC must exam the deployment of cadre. In order to strengthen the concentration of the best cadre in industrial organizations, and in area-based organizations in whose area there is a development of factories. In addition, the deployment of cadre for the strengthening of our intervention amongst the self-employed.




   The theses have special reference to the positive experience gained by the realisation of the Party’s special nationwide events to honor the 90-year anniversary since the October Revolution, the 60-year anniversary of the Democratic Army (DSE), the 60-year anniversary since the end of World War II. These events positively combined ideological, political, cultural and educational elements and contributed to the better assimilation of the Party’s strategy. The general conclusion one can draw is that the Party’s independent political action, as well as its action within the movement must be developed with greater expectations regarding the processing of content and form. They should attract participation, they should address workers in a more attractive way and on a larger scale, workers that are interested in knowing, in experiencing an event, in taking part in a conversation. Our work should be richer and this is something that could affect many aspects of our action simultaneously.


Issues of propaganda, with regard to content and form, should not be neglected by the PBOs. Of course, this matter must be resolved by the Central Committee. Propaganda does not only include the publishing of some leaflets, posters or even CDs. It is a substantial matter, whether we can support our views with a to the point argumentation and proper, accessible elements, whether our criticism to other parties is effective, whether we provide an answer to their arguments. Another important issue is whether we are in a position to propagate important assessments and information that concern vital matters to the largest possible number of workers in a short period of time. In addition, we should examine whether we are in a position, by keeping an archive from the Central Committee and its assisting committees down to the PBOs, to remind the people, in a quick and understandable way, of facts, other parties’ stances, and actions, that prove their responsibilities through time regarding the aggravation of problems, the demagogic deception of the people, the deliberate concealment of intentions, so that the people will be unprepared and presented with faits accomplis.


The conclusion we can draw is that the mere is expression of our political views, of our strategy, of our propositions, is not enough. A complete, in depth style of work is needed so that what we say is understandable, but also founded, in due course, on the people’s experience. This experience, however, contains, most of the time, false information, inadequate knowledge, false dilemmas, even monstrous lies and slander.

It is clear that ahead of us lie even heavier duties and requirements, which are linked to developments, and we do not have the luxury to choose what to do and what to leave. Correct class-based orientation is one thing, selectivity in our action is another. 




   There is one thing we must not forget. Our forces are not enough to take care of everything. But this issue is not of quantitative nature. Even if we had twice or three times the forces we have today, we would not be able to cope with everything on our own, since the obligations would be greater. The nature of our Party, the nature of our political proposition, the notions of counterattack, rapture, overthrow, give us a standard effectiveness criterion,  i.e. how many workers, employees, poor farmers, self-employed workers, unemployed workers, pensioners, young people, women we will rally through our action as a Party or through our action in the mass movement, mainly the labour movement. We all know from experience that we are facing a tendency of demobilization of militant people, especially since the early 90’s. We also know that there are workers, young men and women, who are willing to participate but are discouraged under the burden of their personal problems, workers that are not yet convinced that class-based, anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly struggle is a one-way path. We have no other choice but to convince them that they can and must act, but we must start from our effort to work with them, to share duties and responsibilities. This means that we must improve our ability to give a way out, to help overcome hesitations, to respond with patience, with an open mind and spirit to the difficulties expressed by the workers, to their prejudices and points of disagreement, to use the weapon of simplified, vivid argumentation.


   Besides, common action does not require total agreement, even more so in the movement. It is a matter of orientation and good organisation, to take every step in the direction of rallying people that are not members of the Party, friends, supporters, but also other workers, whether they vote for us or not. We must help to bring an already existent spirit of search and consideration to surface. Around us there are unexploited reserves and we must help them turn into militant forces. The problem we face is that we have not managed yet, through spreading our work, through planned political action, to get to know all these forces, to communicate with them. This duty must be a priority when it comes to reviewing the performance of Bodies, PBOs, and individuals. It is a step towards the realisation of the Party’s construction and an effective work distribution in each PBO.


   Of course, the ability to rally forces, apart from being a matter of orientation and style of work, is also linked to the contribution of each cadre and each member. Widespread action and attraction of wider labour and popular masses to action requires time, good preparation, time to discuss and persuade. It is an excruciating work, but also a mandatory, effective and interesting one. Because, this way, we improve our ability to communicate and act with workers that are not yet convinced to support the Party or even vote for it. Such work enriches our experience and offers us many elements to improve and adjust well.





KKE will continue steadily and, as far as it depends on it, more efficiently to cooperate with the other Communist and Workers parties, at a bilateral and regional, international level, for the continuation of international Meetings, common actions, based on common decisions, for the coordination of their efforts, for the strengthening of the anti-imperialist struggle, against imperialist wars and interventions, against hunger and poverty, for the environment. It will participate more actively in the multilateral Meetings of Communist, Workers parties, as well as other anti-imperialist forces in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia.


Amongst our priorities is the development of bilateral relations, with the specific purpose of strengthening the solidarity movement towards the peoples of Latin America, with first and foremost Cuba, towards the peoples of the Middle East, with first and foremost the Palestinian issue. We actively support the regional Meetings of the CPs from the Balkans, of the CPs from the East Mediterranean – Middle East and Red Sea, of the CPs from the EU member-countries, as well as CP Meetings on particular issues, such as the Meetings of the EU CPs on Education.


KKE will try to increase, depending on the developments and specific problems, the regional Meetings, aiming to strengthen the process of common resolutions, of the common efforts for the development of the political and ideological struggle against the bourgeois, reformist and opportunist currents, neo-fascist practices, nationalism and chauvinism.


We continue to pursue common action on anti-monopoly anti-imperialist goals even with those Communist and Workers parties with which there are ideological differences, without quitting from the right to critically discuss those differences.


At the centre of our thoughts and actions, is the fact the international communist movement remains organisationally and ideologically fragmented. So long as the situation is not improving, it remains stagnant, increasing the danger of further setbacks. Already, in a series of countries the process of de-characterization and mutation of the communist parties towards a social-democratic orientation continued. In a period whereby the pressure for denying the communist identity increases, the new wave of state anticommunism grows into new dimensions, whereas the context of this new anticommunism is being adopted also by the modern opportunist currents. The founding of the “Party of the European Left” in the EU signalled the organic merging of modern opportunist currents with the structures of the EU and the state mechanism of the member-states.


Today it appears even more demanding the need to speed up the processes of forming and shaping a communist pole, a distinct, in other words, presence of communist and workers parties, of communist forces that actively work in the direction of a united revolutionary strategy of the international communist movement.


We dot share the fears that such a collective effort may cancel the responsibility of each Communist Party at the national level, nor that it would make more difficult the general effort to coordinate communist and workers parties that have differences amongst them in various anti-imperialist goals. The effort for a united revolutionary strategy against the united strategy of imperialism can strengthen and put forward even better the duties of each Communist Party in their country and its responsibilities vis-à-vis the working class, and generally the working people. We view such cooperation at a higher level to be based on the equality of parties, the respect of their independence and the particular views they may have.


It’s the responsibility and right of every CP to study the theoretical issues of our movement, the formulation of revolutionary strategy, to draw lessons from the front of struggle with the bourgeois views, reformism and opportunism at an international level, to prepare the Party and, generally, the class forces for the ups and downs of class struggle, for the successes but also the defeats, that occur, to provide scientific explanations, to take advantage of experience in order to prepare for a new advance forward, to drawn gains, for the final victory. At the same time, in our opinion every CP has also the responsibility and right to brief, to make those studies common to the fraternal communist and workers parties, to study their thoughts and views, in order, ultimately, through collective work to achieve all the hummers are hitting on the same direction, in the struggle for changing the correlation of forces and overthrow capitalism.


Our solidarity towards all the communist parties is a fact, especially towards those that act under harsh conditions. Our solidarity does not depend on the degree of our agreement, but from the need, and with our assistance, to help them overcome the specific problems that they face in their countries from state violence and oppression, prosecutions and prohibitions, etc. When there is a critical discussion of the various different views, in our opinion, it takes place for reasons of solidarity, common worries about being able to correspond to today’s increased needs at the national and international level. All of us anyway with our actions and with our attitude influence, not only the movement in our country, but also international developments, the international movement.




The first significant general political battle following our Congress is that of the elections for the European Parliament. The outgoing CC has formulated a Political Declaration on the political framework and the directions of this battle. From one aspect this battle has significant similarities with the national elections, their difference being that on the one had there is elected a government, whereas on the other an EU parliament team. Their common features consist in the responsibilities of the EU and the parties of power, as far as it concerns the daily and more general problems that the workers of our country experience, the more general consequences from the country’s incorporation in the EU market, generally in the peripheral imperialist union. There is no small or large problem that has no direct or even indirect relation to the EU. In this electoral race ND and PASOK are being judged, the parties that in turns signed all the anti-labor, anti-people EU resolutions, that took part in the imperialist interventions and wars that it supported or actively participated. Without a total confrontation with the EU and the political forces that support it, even the slightest betterment of the workers’ position is impossible. In Greece, the imperialist EU policy does not only have allies in the two bourgeois parties, but also in other political forces, that in their way supported and continue to support it, viewing that it constitutes an one-way street. It’s a fact that lately SYRIZA appears intensely critical towards the EU, cultivating at the same time the illusion that it can be changed and become humane, in the same manner that many times adopts the humanization of capitalism at a national level.


The battle of the EU elections, if indeed comes before the national elections, it must become a workers’, peasants’ and peoples’ jump start point, for the youth and women that belong to the working class, popular strata, for a decisive blow – fracture to the total percentages of ND and PASOK, with great losses in votes for both of the them together. No transfusion between them. The KKE asks for its electoral strengthening, because that consists the only guaranteed and real answer to the policy, the hardship that people live from ND and PASOK, the parties that support the EU be every means and in every way. No other party of the opposition can offer a real resistance to the consequences of capitalist restructuring, no other party can provide support for the people in its counterattack that it must if it doesn’t want, and it certainly doesn’t want, to find itself with its back against the wall.


The battle of the national elections is also ahead of us, since, by today’s standards, it is not at all certain that the ND government will exhaust its 4-year term. And for this countdown we are ideologically and political ready. At the epicenter of this battle the two ways of development will objectively compete and on this basis each party is judged. Of course no one can predict in detail how exactly would be the pre-election conditions. However, we can underline from now that the issue of the economic crisis will be an object, as well as the attitude of each party, each movement towards it. It is also obvious from now that a large cloud of dust will be raised in order to cover people’s eyes with the slogan “give us majority in parliament or else”, a parliamentary majority so that we won’t have to go through an electoral adventure once again. For us the answer does not differ from the answer we gave during the 2007 elections: The weaker is a conservative, anti-labor, anti-people government, with parliamentary majority or as a coalition, the better would the position whereby the people can organize its counterattack. The bourgeois parties, the parties of compromise have every reason to fear the eventuality of a weak government, the popular movement must take into account only one things, the new round of attacks by a strong anti-people government. We will contribute, as much as it depends on us, towards the working class and its allies to regain as much trust in itself as possible. To start the counteroffensive, with a strong KKE, with a regroupment of the working class movement, with the rallying of forces, with the strengthening of the participation and action by younger ages and women.


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