"Lets become the spark that will turn youth movement into a volcano"

Dear guests and friends , comrades
KNE members

This year the 31^st KNE-Odigitis Festival has brought us great pleasure. New elements have come forward which allow us to say that every year this institution will be renewed and enriched and attain new qualities.

We owe this to the members and cadres of KNE who are restless, as are many other young people who don't like routine. We owe it to the workers, men and women, and to all those who worked enthusiastically.

We owe it to the artists who have supported the Festival all these years and to those who took part this year either for the first time, or after a gap of some years.

This event must become a place to encourage young people who create and experiment.

Artistic creation is a life-giving force, as it can open our eyes to other aspects of life that we have not discovered. It can help us acquire sensitivities that we do not yet have. Education and culture are part and parcel of the struggle.

The significance of the national party conference on questions of youth

Dear friends and comrades,

On 10 July, we turned a new page in the long history of our Party. We published the positions of the CC on the problems of young people, on the contemporary youth movement and on support for KNE. Already, public dialogue has begun on these issues. You are invited to take part by sending written remarks to Rizospastis. The CC decided to hold a nationwide party conference on 29 and 30 October that will take serious decisions, with one aim, of re-orienting Party work to focus on the problems of the younger generation and the youth movement, and to provide substantially increased support for KNE.

We will assume responsibilities towards the younger generation, towards young men and women who are taking their first steps in finding a job, creating a family, having and raising children. We will make known the problems faced by the young worker, the youth in the countryside, the young farmer, and problems arising from unemployment that push young people to self-employment. We will study the problems of young women, young migrants, the problems of students attending day school or night school, in training, and those of university and college students.

We are not amateurs, nor are we taking our first steps in our struggle over young people's problems. We are proud because, from 1918 to the present day, we have fought hard for young people's rights to life and education, to leisure and sport, and for the vital, modern and idealistic needs of young people.

One of the earliest steps made by the KKE was to establish the Federation of Communist Youth of Greece (OKNE); these young people contributed heroic figures, brave figures who have not been forgotten to the present day. During the German Occupation and the National Resistance, the KKE played a leading part in establishing the legendary EPON, which rallied to its ranks more than 500,000 young men and women. At the end of the Civil War, the KKE helped to found left-wing progressive organisations of young people, the most characteristic being EDA Youth and Lambrakis Youth. An outstanding moment in the history of the KKE was the founding of KNE in 1968 during the grim years of the military-fascist dictatorship.

The significance of this conference goes beyond our own interest. Here precisely the thoughts of our late, unforgettable comrade Harilaos Florakis are absolutely appropriate:

"The ploughmen go away, friend. The seed remains. And sprouts. And grows. And bears fruit. And casts new seeds on the ground. And the cycle is repeated. The generation of 1912-1913 thought they were the last heroic generation. What would happen to the country when they left? But the 1940s generation arrived, the new seed, and raised the banner of the struggle even higher. This is what every generation says, identifying itself with history and forgetting the seed, which comes down from the very distant past and goes very deeply into the future. You see these young people around you, friend, whom you think have been sidetracked and compromised? That's how much you know! With the first spark, these young people will catch fire, they'll become a volcano. And they will prove to be better than the generation of their fathers and grandfathers. They'll raise the banner of the struggle as high as the sun. It's the seed, I tell you…"

May a strong, international youth movement flourish in Greece, one that will support the struggles of young people in neighbouring countries, in solidarity with rebellious youth worldwide.

We live in the era of transition from capitalism to socialism

Imperialist governments, bourgeois states and their governments are uniting against the peoples, expressing their own internationalism, that of capital. The internationalism among them is not consistent. They push each other aside and, using all possible means and weapons, vie with each other over who will dominate, who will be the leader and who will participate in distributing the booty, in distributing and redistributing markets.

Labour internationalism and internationalist solidarity among the peoples does not generate dilemmas between the struggle on a national level and on the regional or global one. There is no such thing as an anti-imperialist anti-monopoly struggle and alliance according to the French, Italian, Greek or German model. There is no such thing as socialism wearing French, Italian, Greek or Russian colours. Particularities and special features exist; they are of a historical nature from one country to another, determined by developments in the correlation of forces in each country. They are influenced by each country's place in the imperialist system, by the degree of its dependency. There are new phenomena evolving, alongside the new forms in which the old appears.

There is no unsolved mystery today; we are not heading into the unknown. Whatever may have happened in the last decade of the 20th century, the main, basic point does not change: The nature of our era – despite the victory of the counter-revolution, despite the mistakes and failures made during the first effort to build socialism in conditions of imperialist encirclement – remains one of passage from capitalism to socialism.

Consequent anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly line of struggle

Dear comrades,

Internationalism can take many forms, until it overcomes the many obstacles that have been set before it. One of these is the crisis that troubles the international communist movement and others. The asymmetry that characterises the growth of capitalism causes the imbalanced development of movements from one country to another, and the asymmetrical maturing of political consciousness. Without disparaging multiformity and particularity, we are not going to abandon the primary and basic, at least as long as it depends on our contribution. All the currents of the radical forces must finally meet together in a common purpose: to overthrow the ruling bourgeois class, in every country, in every region and group of countries, wherever possible right away, wherever possible tomorrow.

There are differences between us which are not prohibitive today in terms of coordination and common action on certain timely issues. There are also differences that can only bring harm, such as the viewpoint of false internationalism, from which imperialism derives support, irrespective of the intentions of its adherents.

It is the false internationalism of those who argue, whether from ignorance or knowledge, that the struggle for socialism, the fight against imperialist bonds cannot be effective in one or several countries. They say that the system will either be overthrown simultaneously on a global level or it will not be overthrown at all! In this way, in their opinion, they avoid the obligation of every Left-wing radical anti-imperialist fighter of trying to overthrow the correlation of forces when the conditions are ripe and when this overthrow is demanded by broader masses of the people.

But where do these choices and viewpoints conclude in the name of the feasible and the realistic?

They conclude by identifying European cooperation with the EU. By having increased profits and competitiveness as strategic choices, because they will supposedly result in a better distribution of wealth. By believing that the EU can become the countervailing force against North American imperialism for the benefit of the peoples.

By kowtowing to imperialism and slandering socialism, with no intention of discovering the deeper objective and subjective causes that led to the renewal of capitalism.

By rejecting any idea of the distinct presence of communist parties and instead, based on the EU regulations, by establishing the so-called European Left Party, which constantly belittles the contribution of socialism in the 20th century. By proclaiming that what is important is the self-dissolution of NATO of its own volition.

They do not want to and cannot grasp that irrespective of the present correlation of forces, there are historic limits to capitalism. They live with the memory of the people's gains 40 or 50 years ago, then there was a different correlation of forces on a global level, when socialism was an organised system, especially in Europe. They cannot distinguish between what constitutes the people's gain and what is a manoeuvre on the part of the system to oblige the peoples to give up their demand for an overthrow, for a break with the pillars of the system.

We do not underestimate at all the possibility, even today, that the peoples will raise hurdles, and extract some gains, even temporary ones. But this will not happen with the false internationalism promoted by the so-called left social-democrats, either through centre-left scenaria or through what they call "renewed prescriptions", copied from Bernstein and Kautsky. They have, down deep, made a fairly novel effort to elaborate the policy of compromise and defeatism.

In order to prevent the worst that is yet to come, to raise obstacles, and to extract some concessions, a consistent anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist line of struggle is required and not the gospel of Maastricht and the White Book.

Genuine internationalism cannot be neutral towards the class struggle

We are working to build the Front not only because it is in the best interests of the Greek people, but also because it is our obligation to contribute to the peoples' struggle against imperialism. Every country that extricates itself from the power of the monopolies creates a crack, larger or smaller, in the imperialist system.

When we raise the flag of solidarity with Cuba we are defending the general principle that every people has the right to decide its own fate; we are also defending socialism in Cuba.

When we raise the flag of solidarity with Venezuela we do not confine ourselves to condemning the Bush policy against this country, or the interfering, eroding effort by the EU. We are defending something more: the effort of the popular movements in Venezuela to regroup on the basis of today's demands, and to strengthen the revolutionary tide. In the period to come they will find themselves in a tougher confrontation with the reconstituted counter-revolutionary forces. The Bolivarian process is at a crucial point, as former landowners are buying lots from farmers' and workers' cooperatives so they can return to their properties and sabotage the social programme being drawn up under the leadership of President Chavez.

No intervention by Bush or by the USA will be effective when the popular revolutionary tide succeeds in dealing decisive blows to the class enemy inside the country. No imperialist intervention can have spectacular results unless there are internal reactionary forces to support it.

Genuine internationalism cannot be neutral towards the class struggle. Internationalism will bring results when it finally evolves into a movement that in every country will demand that the bourgeois reactionary class be thrown out of power.

Capitalism has nothing positive to offer

Dear friends and comrades,

There is no workplace, no worksite, there is no city, neighbourhood, village or region that is not plagued by the great problems of unemployment, poverty, and the degradation and class nature of education, by the problem of low wages and pensions. Most people's standard of living keeps falling. Poor farmers are facing unemployment, the loss of land, displacement from production. People who are self-employed in small and medium-sized enterprises are being struck mercilessly by the action of the monopolies that are pillaging the retail trade and services.

Sports, culture, leisure time and recreation suffer from the penetration and domination of businessmen.

Women and young people are targets of sharper exploitation and manipulation. Capitalism is building class exploitation on the basis of gender, age, colour, ethnic origin, religion and cultural traditions.

Capitalism has given whatever it had to give; its historical limits are specific. Indeed, the more obvious this becomes, the more capitalism pushes out these limits that have not yet been exhausted. Today it has the weapons and capabilities to manipulate, terrorise, split, buy off, and assimilate. It knows very well how to make a frontal attack and how to erode the movement from within.

The struggle of the working people cannot be effective without an unrelenting ideological, political and cultural struggle against the efforts to erode, buy off and terrorise people's minds.

Huge resources are given to erode and buy off consciences

The New Democracy (ND) and Pasok parties have honed the policy of buying off and eroding into a science.

The two-party political system i.e. the bourgeois political system, cannot stand either increased wages and pensions or increased social benefits; it can't stand free education, health or social policy; it can't stand a state-owned Olympic Airlines or water company, free education or health services.

The institution of local government is a strong link in the state machinery. Money is channelled into local government so that the latter can afford to pay large sums to the private companies that undertake local public works.

It doesn't stint at all when money, resources and means are being made available to erode and buy off consciences. The more we hear about ND and Pasok combatting corruption and lack of transparency, the more the buying out and terrorising of consciences will be stepped up.

Lots of money goes to fund programmes on the pretext of providing training and re-training, on the pretext of vocational guidance. Lots of money flows into the coffers of the compromised trade union organisations but also into scholarly societies and institutions to organise seminars, symposia, conferences and so-called scientific discussions at 5-star hotels and places that attract wealthy tourists.

Money is given to push material and cultural commodities, to bribe consciences, to bend militant minds.

Money flows into the pockets of various specialists and experts, to the yes-men who supposedly perform a social service on the mass media. They give people and young people advice about supposedly new ways of solving their problems, a long way from and in opposition to the class struggle and political battle.

Large amounts of money are spent on the so-called non-governmental mass organisations most of which are products of the machinery of the state, the ministries and the EU, as well as of embassies and secret services.

Money is given to shut mouths. A little more is given for early retirement in exchange for an agreement that barbarous labour relations and working conditions will be in force for young men and women.

Millions of euros are managed by universities not to conduct research or to educate young people, but for programmes that do free research for business, for NATO, for services, etc.

The communists should be on the front lines in every field, in every place

Now the New Democracy government is keen to implement the Pasok programme to hand the schools over to local government, i.e. schools that are overtly differentiated in terms of class. Flexible zones of subjects and courses are to be added that are subsidised by the multinationals. Think about what will be taught in the course with the nice title "Gender Equality".

They will try to convince young children that equality requires the ban on women doing night work to be abolished, and that women who are doubly exploited under capitalist conditions will have to work until the age of 65. That equality means working in a part-time job. How will they explain to little children that prostitution is a profession, while the separation of drugs into soft and hard ones is the most modern and up-to-date lesson offered in the age of imperialist aggressiveness?

We are certain that it won't be long before Bush's statement that the enemy is not terrorism but radical ideology will be incorporated into the educational system.

Forests, green zones and open spaces are being destroyed, i.e. wealth is being lost, in exchange for profits, in the interest of corporations.

Lots of money goes into weapons systems for Greece's contribution to the imperialist war.

Employment is dropping in occupations that have some objective social character, while new occupations are being created: the mercenary soldier, the paid volunteer, the servant in marketing, in advertising competition between companies that produce unnecessary or adulterated consumer products. Young people with degrees in social psychology, specialising in persons with special needs and special problems, young people who have graduated from the school of fine arts, are being employed in other fields in occupations of doubtful social utility and importance.

In a few years, there will be more professional thugs, goons and informers than physical therapists and gymnasts, more than specialised personnel for day care centres and kindergartens, more than social workers. The fact that special schools are in desperate straits, and that children with certain problems should go to regular schools, when this is proven to be the best thing, does not concern the ministry of education. In the schools, there is no help for dyslectic children.

What is important today is that we communists, men and women, make our presence felt everywhere in even greater numbers and in a more militant and capable way, armed with the experience we have acquired in recent years on the front lines in every field, in every place where problems are becoming sharper, where struggles are taking place, where battles must be fought.

All efforts should lead to a change in the correlation of forces

Nothing must leave us unmoved and indifferent. We are not alone. There are people, political movements and groups with whom we have cooperated in recent years. We want to continue our cooperation with them, to expand and deepen it. There are friends of the party, there are radicals who are in the process of questioning, they appreciate the Party and our positions, but they have some disagreements and reservations. We are not talking about ending these disagreements. What is important is that these people are looking for allies to rally with so that we can fight the effects of the monopoly strategies and of imperialism, so that we can take action with them, open a discussion about our disagreements, and listen to what they have to say. Rallying and fighting together is a strategic choice for the KKE. We do not want allies for ephemeral objectives and even less so for narrowly partisan party purposes. An alliance is a major issue; opportunism is its enemy.

The policy of alliances is not our responsibility alone. It does not depend solely on us. We call upon radical forces, particularly from within the working class and other strata of the people, upon all those who feel they have been deceived by ND and Pasok, to take the big step of turning their back on these two parties, of weakening them in the movement and in action, of voting against them at every opportunity in trade unions, in local government, in national and European elections.

Many people are wondering where to go and what to do if they decide to turn their backs on the two middle-class parties, the hard core of businessmen. They wonder where they will go and what they will belong to, when they believe that there is no party, or political "cover" as some call it, that expresses them. We reply: There is the KKE's policy of alliances which does not abolish independence. There is the proposal to form the Front. There are today fields and movements which can express forces that are in the process of seeking a radical alternative. Anyway, nothing will change merely from the search for political cover unless, more than anything else, we all present our common action where the correlation of forces is determined, where changes are set in motion in people's minds and political behaviour.

There are movements, class trade unions, mass organisations, and alliances for fighting together and collaborating on partial but very important issues, there are fields of action. Providing they all lead to a change in the correlation of forces.

When extrication takes place in a movement, or in the struggle against the monopolies and imperialism, it will bring changes on the political map as well. The radical forces that do not agree with the KKE in everything will find a path of expression.

We do not insist that you agree with our programme; but it is necessary to reinforce the line of confrontation with the strategy of ND and PASOK, with the strategy of imperialism. We need to make the transition from an abstract discussion of the dream of prosperity for the people and of popular sovereignty to a more concrete discussion about the economy and power of the people, socialisation and cooperative structures, control by the working class and the people, the institutions of popular power and many others.

This must be done today; it must not be put off until tomorrow.

The policy of ND and Pasok is dangerous for the people, but it is even more dangerous to be afraid of abandoning these parties, and not looking for an alternative in favour of the people today.

We are aware of our responsibilities toward the people and the youth. We know that neither sincere words nor genuine revolutionary slogans are enough. What is most persuasive in the end is the personal and collective example. We do not then have the right solely to make the correct decisions. We also have the obligation to acquire new militancy and capability so that young people and their movement will be able to spoil the plans of reaction in the years to come, so that we can become the spark that transforms the youth movement into a volcano. This will be a fine step forward in building the Front.