Greece in the imperialst system
Greek capitalism is in the last stage of its development, i.e. at its state monopoly level. In our country, the material conditions exist for the socialist transformation. This can be seen in the level of development of Greek capitalism and in its contradictions.
Greece is in an intermediate and dependent position in the world imperialist system. There are historic reasons for this: the slow and difficult beginning of capitalism in Greece, which took place under the direct economic, political and military involvement of powerful capitalist states and under conditions of dependence on foreign capital. Monopoly capitalism appeared in Greece later than in the developed capitalist countries, and after the international imperialist system had already been created, with the result that it rested on a relatively low material and technical base. In the post-dictatorship years, state monopoly capitalism developed further, dependence on foreign monopoly capital and international imperialism grew. During recent decades, particularly during the 1980s, Greece became more organically adapted to the imperialist system within the framework of the European Community (now the European Union) and NATO, through its participation in international inter-state agreements.
With the Treaty of Maastricht, the intervention of the imperialist centre of the European Union was upgraded. To its statutory ability to intervene in the economic sphere was added the ability to intervene on the political and military level, and in the fields of foreign policy and so-called internal security.
International monopoly capital controls the Greek economy and its main sectors of activity. The transnationals and monopolies won new positions, penetrated more deeply and play a direct role in sectors critical to the shaping of political behaviour, and of the social consciousness of the working class and the people. Greek capital has become more closely linked with the interests of international monopoly capital. The dominant trend is the interconnection between local capital and its dependence on and adjustment to more general planning. The general trend to involvement does not change the fact that sections of local capital have been hard hit by the transnationals.
The Greek oligarchy maintains close connections with all three imperialist centres. Greece’s membership in the European Union does not revoke the dominant role of the United States, particularly in the political and military fields. Under present conditions, the local oligarchy aims to play the role of intermediary between the European Union and NATO on the one hand, and the countries of the Balkans and the Mediterranean on the other. It wants to enhance its economic, political and military presence in the region. These ambitions make it more willing to take part in imperialistic expansionist plans, while bringing it up against the analogous ambitions and expansionist schemes of the Turkish oligarchy, increasing the competition between them and the problems between the two countries. Thus greater possibilities are created for intervention and for the major imperialist forces to take advantage of these differences.
Greece has fallen into line with the restructuring imposed by its membership in this imperialist system and is adjusting its economy, mainly in the direction of the service sector.
The base of Greece’s industrial production is shrinking, while phenomena of bankruptcy, buyouts and mergers are increasing. The agrarian economy has already received a major blow. Valuable productive forces are being destroyed. The distance separating Greece from the developing capitalist countries is growing constantly. These adverse developments which are a burden on the people are reinforced by the policy of privatisation, the so-called “less state” and the deregulation of the market. This policy constitutes an expression of the modern state monopoly regulations to the benefit of big capital. Productive sectors of the capitalist state are being handed over for more intensive exploitation by the private sector. The collaboration between the state and the monopolies is growing. The necessary framework is being created, as are the conditions for a free rein to be given to monopoly action, greater exploitation of the working people and plundering of the country’s natural resources. The role of the capitalist state is being strengthened as an instrument for redistributing the wealth produced to the benefit of the oligarchy, as a mechanism to suppress and manipulate mass movements. The modern state constitutes the conveyor belt for applying transnational decisions and the regulations of the European Union and other imperialist associations and agencies.
Unemployment is on the rise, particularly among young people and women. The position of the working people is deteriorating, because of the harsh austerity and reactionary changes that are being promoted in labour relations based on the guidelines in the White Paper. Social security, state education and the public health and welfare system are being attacked and downgraded. The position of the broad popular strata, particularly of the working class, is becoming constantly worse. Anxiety and insecurity about the future are on the rise.
Changes have also taken place in the composition of the Gross National Product (GNP). During the past 15 years, the percentage participation of services has increased, with a rising trend for parasitic services. The share of industry, manufacture and the agrarian economy has dropped.
Changes have taken place in the class composition of the Greek society. The number of the economically active population has increased. The number of salaried people has also increased as has their percentage of the economically active population.
The working class, the main productive force, has grown in both absolute and relative numbers. They have become more concentrated in trade and services. The percentage of the factory proletariat has fallen. There has been a significant increase in the number of foreign workers. In some regions, a trend has re-appeared of migration to European countries. The class differentiation of the farmer has deepened, and the trend toward their overall decrease in number has been reinforced. The middle urban strata have increased both in numbers and as a percentage of the economically active population. The bourgeois class has a reduced percentage.
During the 22 years of the post-dictatorship period, the two different roads along which the Greek society could develop have become plain:
Greece is in an intermediate and dependent position in the world imperialist system. There are historic reasons for this: the slow and difficult beginning of capitalism in Greece, which took place under the direct economic, political and military involvement of powerful capitalist states and under conditions of dependence on foreign capital. Monopoly capitalism appeared in Greece later than in the developed capitalist countries, and after the international imperialist system had already been created, with the result that it rested on a relatively low material and technical base. In the post-dictatorship years, state monopoly capitalism developed further, dependence on foreign monopoly capital and international imperialism grew. During recent decades, particularly during the 1980s, Greece became more organically adapted to the imperialist system within the framework of the European Community (now the European Union) and NATO, through its participation in international inter-state agreements.
With the Treaty of Maastricht, the intervention of the imperialist centre of the European Union was upgraded. To its statutory ability to intervene in the economic sphere was added the ability to intervene on the political and military level, and in the fields of foreign policy and so-called internal security.
International monopoly capital controls the Greek economy and its main sectors of activity. The transnationals and monopolies won new positions, penetrated more deeply and play a direct role in sectors critical to the shaping of political behaviour, and of the social consciousness of the working class and the people. Greek capital has become more closely linked with the interests of international monopoly capital. The dominant trend is the interconnection between local capital and its dependence on and adjustment to more general planning. The general trend to involvement does not change the fact that sections of local capital have been hard hit by the transnationals.
The Greek oligarchy maintains close connections with all three imperialist centres. Greece’s membership in the European Union does not revoke the dominant role of the United States, particularly in the political and military fields. Under present conditions, the local oligarchy aims to play the role of intermediary between the European Union and NATO on the one hand, and the countries of the Balkans and the Mediterranean on the other. It wants to enhance its economic, political and military presence in the region. These ambitions make it more willing to take part in imperialistic expansionist plans, while bringing it up against the analogous ambitions and expansionist schemes of the Turkish oligarchy, increasing the competition between them and the problems between the two countries. Thus greater possibilities are created for intervention and for the major imperialist forces to take advantage of these differences.
Greece has fallen into line with the restructuring imposed by its membership in this imperialist system and is adjusting its economy, mainly in the direction of the service sector.
The base of Greece’s industrial production is shrinking, while phenomena of bankruptcy, buyouts and mergers are increasing. The agrarian economy has already received a major blow. Valuable productive forces are being destroyed. The distance separating Greece from the developing capitalist countries is growing constantly. These adverse developments which are a burden on the people are reinforced by the policy of privatisation, the so-called “less state” and the deregulation of the market. This policy constitutes an expression of the modern state monopoly regulations to the benefit of big capital. Productive sectors of the capitalist state are being handed over for more intensive exploitation by the private sector. The collaboration between the state and the monopolies is growing. The necessary framework is being created, as are the conditions for a free rein to be given to monopoly action, greater exploitation of the working people and plundering of the country’s natural resources. The role of the capitalist state is being strengthened as an instrument for redistributing the wealth produced to the benefit of the oligarchy, as a mechanism to suppress and manipulate mass movements. The modern state constitutes the conveyor belt for applying transnational decisions and the regulations of the European Union and other imperialist associations and agencies.
Unemployment is on the rise, particularly among young people and women. The position of the working people is deteriorating, because of the harsh austerity and reactionary changes that are being promoted in labour relations based on the guidelines in the White Paper. Social security, state education and the public health and welfare system are being attacked and downgraded. The position of the broad popular strata, particularly of the working class, is becoming constantly worse. Anxiety and insecurity about the future are on the rise.
Changes have also taken place in the composition of the Gross National Product (GNP). During the past 15 years, the percentage participation of services has increased, with a rising trend for parasitic services. The share of industry, manufacture and the agrarian economy has dropped.
Changes have taken place in the class composition of the Greek society. The number of the economically active population has increased. The number of salaried people has also increased as has their percentage of the economically active population.
The working class, the main productive force, has grown in both absolute and relative numbers. They have become more concentrated in trade and services. The percentage of the factory proletariat has fallen. There has been a significant increase in the number of foreign workers. In some regions, a trend has re-appeared of migration to European countries. The class differentiation of the farmer has deepened, and the trend toward their overall decrease in number has been reinforced. The middle urban strata have increased both in numbers and as a percentage of the economically active population. The bourgeois class has a reduced percentage.
During the 22 years of the post-dictatorship period, the two different roads along which the Greek society could develop have become plain:
- The road that serves the interests of the transnationals and capitalists at the expense of the people; the road of adjusting and submitting to the anti-labour anti-popular choices of the European Union and NATO.
- The road of creating the anti-imperialist anti-monopoly democratic front of struggle which offers prospects for the working class, for the lower and middle strata of the people in the city and the countryside, and for young people.
e-mail:cpg@int.kke.gr