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The course toward the Front, the particular fronts and the mass movement

During the pre-Congress work, discussion developed on whether steps have been taken toward building the Front, whether we are delaying or not, and whether its formation can possibly be brought closer.

Beyond the objective weaknesses and deficiencies in this regard, which must be overcome, the question of forming the Front must be addressed as a complex task that does not depend exclusively on us. If we want this political task – which is not of interest solely to communists, but to the people and the radical forces more broadly – to be realised, we must step up the efforts that depend on us:

  •  Special attention must be paid to ensuring dedication to action in the working class and the trade union movement, in union shops and other mass organisations of the working people. In other words, the decisions of the Panhellenic Board held after the 16th Congress must be implemented. Of special significance is the work on unity of action of the working class and its alliances with the other popular strata. Unity of action and the policy of working class alliances require multiform militant activity on many fronts. Unity of action of the working class cannot be won as long as views and practices are not combated that separate the working people into public and private sectors, and into people working on contract and seasonal workers; and as long as every sector limits itself solely to its own demands, without seeing that this makes it part of the united and overall offensive against workers and employees in their entirety. The social alliance of the working class and other strata of the people is not a matter for solidarity alone. There must be awareness that people have a common interest in fighting the policy of monopoly capital and the imperialist associations. If this issue is not understood in depth, it will not be easy to convince the working people generally to act in this direction.
  •  The battle to deal with the crises and problems that characterise the labour movement must be conducted from better positions and more adequately so that the organisation and political awareness of the working people is improved. Efforts to further alter the character of the trade union movement and its organisations and to transform them into statutory organs for co-management in the form of volunteerism, with their contribution to the management of funds, with the competence of playing an entrepreneurial role, of establishing schools and educational centres must be dealt with more systematically. Management organisations, headed by the Federation of Greek Industrialists, have openly stated the need to form a "new type" of trade union movement, as a "social partner".
  •  The labour movement must assume a greater role and responsibility in demanding that the increased needs of the people be met. An integral part of this must be systematic action in organising workers from abroad and political refugees. Thus confrontation with management will be achieved, in contrast to racist and nationalist views that may become more acute in the labour field, owing to acute financial problems and unemployment.
  •  Mobilizations should be supported in the labour movement and among holders of small and medium-sized farms, but also among owners of small and medium-sized enterprises in the urban centres, in the anti-war, anti-imperialist movement, in the movement of solidarity with suffering peoples, and on the front of democratic liberties. The mobilizations can and must be extended, and increase in number. The effort to communicate with broader popular forces should not stop, nor with people from academia, the intelligentsia, the arts and culture who want to place their knowledge and skills at the service of the movement. Alliances must develop "roots" among the people. A task of primary significance is for the social alliance of the working class with the other strata of the self-employed and small and medium-sized farm owners, and with the women's and youth movements to be expressed through the coalitions.
  •  There are grounds for and a need for initiatives, fronts of cooperation and mobilizations to be developed in new areas and on new issues, such as the realms of education, culture, sport and local government.
  •  In the Theses there is an initial discussion of a general nature on the need for a front of struggle against the EU and NATO, against the choices and commitments that touch upon all aspects of the people's life and right to decide on their own present and future to be expressed in the form of a mobilization. This mobilization will be in the nature of a movement. It will seek to expand its action on an international level through common action with other movements and international anti-imperialist organisations. It will take an active part in the effort to create a countervailing international anti-imperialist anti-monopoly pole.
  •  The negative phenomena existing in mass popular organisations must be addressed, so that their membership and militant orientation can increase. Every mass organisation has its own peculiarity, according to its nature, its purpose and the correlation of forces in it. All these must be taken into account. If, with the right work and respect for the organisational independence of every organisation, the Party's positions on the people's problems are put forward militantly and persuasively, they will certainly persuade, influence and help forces to rally together.

Party action in support of coalitions and the formation of new ones, based on the necessity for the Front, does not under any circumstances mean that its action in the mass organisations, in union shops, and in the organisations of the mass movement in general has been relegated to second place. The problem is that, despite the steps that have been taken, the required merger with the popular masses has not taken place, nor has the shaping of vanguard relations with them on a broader scale.

The Front will have the composition and character of a movement. It will include, in addition to political forces and movements, mass movements and mass organisations. Therefore, the state of the mass movement, the people's level of organisation and orientation will constitute the most important prerequisites for the building of this alliance.

As emphasised in the Theses, mistaken views and habits survive and are reproduced in the Party's action in the mass movement. There are phenomena of replacement, and of ineptitude, as well as the phenomenon of our yielding, in the name of the independence of the mass movement, to adverse trends, under the burden of the correlation of forces.

Unfortunately, during the pre-Congress period, there was very little discussion about the matter raised urgently by the CC Theses about developing Party activity in mass organisations. This causes concern. It shows either underestimation or distraction.

It is obvious that the organisations' loss of membership is encouraged and promoted consciously and deliberately by the parties in power. Their bureaucratisation, assimilation, and failure to adjust their action to new conditions influence our work as well. In some cases they lead either to people's withdrawing from the effort to regroup or being sidetracked into routine annual events. As a result, there is a need for the Party to take the responsibility and deal with the tendency of union shops to lose members and become bureaucratised, and the transformation of mass organisations into "rubber stamps", or places where isolated individuals act.

It is not accidental that the Party Statutes emphasise the need for all Party members to belong to a mass organisation and above all to their union shop or professional association. Besides, this is the foundation on which PAME, PASY etc. will expand with new forces, so that they can evolve into a pole rallying the working people and in which they can place their hopes. This holds for the other coalitions as well.

The Party is not aiming for mass organisations to operate as its branches or substitutes. Nor is it indifferent to the fact that in general the mood for organisation and participation has dwindled, that a systematic effort is being made to relegate mass organisations to the sidelines, or that they are evolving into props for ruling policy.

These organisations will acquire a mass character and radical orientation and will succeed in passing to the counterattack to the degree that they act on the people's problems and not just occasionally and on anniversaries, but with consistency and planning, to confront views that are damaging to the movement, views that lead it to the line of acquiescence and paralysis.

It is up to us, with our example and correct communication, to help attract active people to participate and take responsibilities in the mass organisations, to help ensure the multiformity of events that help develop a militant direction and awaken interest in organised action.

There is a need to develop initiatives for organising new forms of popular organisations, new forms of action.



   



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