The cohesive framework of struggle both in rallying coalitions and in the mass popular movement is the link to strategy development
The main link between the increased political awareness of the working class, the policy of alliances, the awakening of young people and the mobilisation of women is for the nature of the modern strategy of capitalist restructuring to be understood as deeply and rapidly as possible. The role of the Party in this regard is irreplaceable, without implying that we underestimate the contribution of other radical forces. This issue is also closely connected with creating the conditions required for the formation of the Anti-imperialist Anti-monopoly Democratic Front.
The repercussions of capitalist restructurings are opposed by the great majority of the working people, irrespective of their attitude toward the mass movement and their political behaviour. Internationally, there have been protests, movements, resistance and demands. But the understanding that the restructurings have an objective cause is still very low. They are dictated by the internal needs of the capitalist system. The laws of the capitalist mode of production are imprinted on the restructurings, based on the present day correlation of forces. They reflect the sharpening of all conflicts and contradictions in the system. Moreover, this is why they are being pushed ahead on a global level, in all capitalist countries, regardless of their place in the imperialist system, regardless of whether they are governed by liberal or socialdemocratic forces or coalition "centre-right" or "centre-left" governments. Their course is affected by the resistance of the labour movement and by political developments.
It is impossible for developments to be interpreted by means of the fictions and criticisms employed by the socialdemocrat and opportunist champions of the "fight against neoliberalism". These forces, with their propaganda and their stance, are doing whatever they can to ensure that criticism of imperialism as a system with basic features does not pass or remains on the sidelines, and to promote the view of another form of "mixed management".
Without deeper knowledge of the relationship between economics and politics at the imperialist stage of capitalism, between domestic and foreign policy, and between economics and democracy, it is not easy to understand why the alliance line cannot be allowed to fall even one centimetre behind rallying together in an anti-imperialist anti-monopoly direction. This is necessary not to build the Front alone; its action must also serve the fight to overthrow the monopolies and to achieve disengagement from the imperialist associations.
The issue of rallying together anti-monopoly anti-imperialist forces is not of course limited to the national level. Equally vital is the need for an internationalised anti-imperialist anti-monopoly movement, for unity of the peoples' action and cooperation between them on all levels. It is the duty of all peoples. On this basis it will be understood that there is another road to internationalisation, contrary to the capitalist internationalism with its inter-state imperialist associations.
Studying developments in all aspects of the working people's lives, in terms of labour relations and working conditions, in matters related to the reproduction of the labour force, by branch and sector of the economy, by topic and by region and the elaboration of relevant positions facilitates the selection of analogous goals and slogans, which are links in the struggle to rally forces into a social and political alliance in order to shape a mass popular current of struggle in the direction of dispute and overthrow. This is why we must press on at a faster pace to study the sectors of the Greek economy, the superstructure, developments in Europe and the EU, and the global capitalist economy: a systematic study of the conflicts and antagonisms in the contemporary imperialist system.
The point is for processing and studies to take on a more collective character; to be grafted with the experience resulting from the action of the BOs and the leading bodies; to become a subject of knowledge and action for the entire Party up to the BOs; and for the experience of friends and followers to be used, as well as that of all those who are interested in common action, including professionals and academics who can and want to contribute.
The Party has already made a significant effort to demonstrate the nature of the capitalist restructurings. But it has not remained there, as general propaganda, accusation and revelation.
As early as January 2003, a coherent framework of axes and goals of struggle in an anti-imperialist anti-monopoly direction was published as a contribution to the alliances and collaborations and to develop the mass movement. This framework of struggle is open to further updating and deepening according to the developments. But this framework, with the CC bearing the main blame, has not become a guide to leadership work. As a consequence it has not become a cause taken up by party organisations. As a result, work has not been done on fine-tuning and adjusting it to each organisation's field of responsibility. It must, therefore, become a cause for all bodies and organisations, a guideline framework of axes and goals of struggle.
The repercussions of capitalist restructurings are opposed by the great majority of the working people, irrespective of their attitude toward the mass movement and their political behaviour. Internationally, there have been protests, movements, resistance and demands. But the understanding that the restructurings have an objective cause is still very low. They are dictated by the internal needs of the capitalist system. The laws of the capitalist mode of production are imprinted on the restructurings, based on the present day correlation of forces. They reflect the sharpening of all conflicts and contradictions in the system. Moreover, this is why they are being pushed ahead on a global level, in all capitalist countries, regardless of their place in the imperialist system, regardless of whether they are governed by liberal or socialdemocratic forces or coalition "centre-right" or "centre-left" governments. Their course is affected by the resistance of the labour movement and by political developments.
It is impossible for developments to be interpreted by means of the fictions and criticisms employed by the socialdemocrat and opportunist champions of the "fight against neoliberalism". These forces, with their propaganda and their stance, are doing whatever they can to ensure that criticism of imperialism as a system with basic features does not pass or remains on the sidelines, and to promote the view of another form of "mixed management".
Without deeper knowledge of the relationship between economics and politics at the imperialist stage of capitalism, between domestic and foreign policy, and between economics and democracy, it is not easy to understand why the alliance line cannot be allowed to fall even one centimetre behind rallying together in an anti-imperialist anti-monopoly direction. This is necessary not to build the Front alone; its action must also serve the fight to overthrow the monopolies and to achieve disengagement from the imperialist associations.
The issue of rallying together anti-monopoly anti-imperialist forces is not of course limited to the national level. Equally vital is the need for an internationalised anti-imperialist anti-monopoly movement, for unity of the peoples' action and cooperation between them on all levels. It is the duty of all peoples. On this basis it will be understood that there is another road to internationalisation, contrary to the capitalist internationalism with its inter-state imperialist associations.
Studying developments in all aspects of the working people's lives, in terms of labour relations and working conditions, in matters related to the reproduction of the labour force, by branch and sector of the economy, by topic and by region and the elaboration of relevant positions facilitates the selection of analogous goals and slogans, which are links in the struggle to rally forces into a social and political alliance in order to shape a mass popular current of struggle in the direction of dispute and overthrow. This is why we must press on at a faster pace to study the sectors of the Greek economy, the superstructure, developments in Europe and the EU, and the global capitalist economy: a systematic study of the conflicts and antagonisms in the contemporary imperialist system.
The point is for processing and studies to take on a more collective character; to be grafted with the experience resulting from the action of the BOs and the leading bodies; to become a subject of knowledge and action for the entire Party up to the BOs; and for the experience of friends and followers to be used, as well as that of all those who are interested in common action, including professionals and academics who can and want to contribute.
The Party has already made a significant effort to demonstrate the nature of the capitalist restructurings. But it has not remained there, as general propaganda, accusation and revelation.
As early as January 2003, a coherent framework of axes and goals of struggle in an anti-imperialist anti-monopoly direction was published as a contribution to the alliances and collaborations and to develop the mass movement. This framework of struggle is open to further updating and deepening according to the developments. But this framework, with the CC bearing the main blame, has not become a guide to leadership work. As a consequence it has not become a cause taken up by party organisations. As a result, work has not been done on fine-tuning and adjusting it to each organisation's field of responsibility. It must, therefore, become a cause for all bodies and organisations, a guideline framework of axes and goals of struggle.
e-mail:cpg@int.kke.gr
