Skip to content Communist Party of Greece

Personal tools
You are here: Home » Documents » 16th Congress » Report of the CC of KKE to the 16th Congress

Report of the CC of KKE to the 16th Congress

 

Dear guests, comrades and delegates

 

We welcome you at the session of our 16th Congress

 

The presence of so many communist, labour and progressive parties fills us with honour and responsibility.

 

We have the obligation, and the capability as well, to continue to the issue of peoples’ common action. Against imperialistic aggression and pseudo-peace under the threat of weapons. It is not enough to blame poverty, famine, alliteration. The suppression of minorities, the wealth concentration, the capitalist use of new technologies. The corruption dominant in the network of nutrition. War and military intervention, the militarisation of EU. Condemnation and wishful thinking never change a thing. We must line up the strong coalition of the people, of the workers, of the communist and labour parties, of the anti-imperialist radical forces, of all who fight so that every people have the right to decide for their present and future, for the development of their society.

 

To line up the coalition of the people who fight the fatalism and the idea that that «nothing can be done because is a reality».

 

We welcome the delegates of the political parties. The friends and the allies and the political confrontations.

 

We salute the comrades, delegates and guests who have been with us many years, each one represents a valuable part in the party’s history. Their presence today confirm the importance of the principle of continuing of experience of the continuing of generations.

 

Comrades,

 

The thousands of party members who took part in the pre - Congress process have authorised us to deal in yet greater depth with the elaboration of the party’s political proposition for the formation of the Front. They have sent us here with the demanding mandate to take decisions and to work out binding guidelines based on the fresh experience acquired for a full scale strengthening and development of the Party, so that it will be able to cope with the serious and urgent tasks set even since the 15th Congress.

 

We have reached this point thanks to the persistent efforts we have all made to deal with the consequences which the overthrow of the international correlation of forces had for our party and the people’s movement.

 

We are here thanks to the strength drawn from the heroic history of our Party, from its inestimable contribution to the working class and the people. Last November marked the 82nd anniversary of the foundation of our party. This remains an event of very great importance for the history of our country. Contrary to the predictions that our party would dissolve itself and die out, this has stood firm for so many years, alive and fighting, always side by side with the people, a party truly patriotic, uncompromising with imperialism, fighting for peace and national independence, steadily internationalist. Nothing can change in the least our unshakeable conviction to the socialist and communist perspective as both a historical necessity and possibility. As stressed in the Declaration honouring the 80th anniversary of our Party, «human history is a process of continuous progress that also entails regression and temporary abatement. However, the course from ‘the realm of necessity’ to the ‘realm of freedom’ is a natural law».

 

We stood firm and on our feet and thus we are in a position today to take the best decisions, in a spirit of full responsibility.

 

The proceedings of the 16th Congress are beginning from a hopeful starting point: The Theses of the Central Committee were adopted by the Party members in Party Base Organisations assemblies. Also approved were the Report on Activity since 1996 and the Central Committee action, containing a critical and self - critical assessment of its work. The party members in their overwhelming majority agree, not in a general and abstract way, with the party’s strategy but rather with the steps, means, methods and prerequisites demanded for action to form the Anti-imperialist Antimonopoly Democratic Front (AADF). Reaching the agreement has not been an easy and irresponsible course. It has come from new experience next to the long and well - tried experience of the party under conditions involving unusual, unprecedented and, to a certain degree, sudden changes in all aspects of struggle.

 

The Theses’ approval has been preceded by a full - scale debate accompanied by proposals to improve them, critical comments and recommendations regarding the work done by cadres and Party bodies. The debate focused on the AADF, the mass struggles, especially labour and trade union movement, the rallying and close co-operation of forces regarding topical problems and fronts of the day, the internationalisation of the struggle and the course taken by the world communist movement. Elaboration of the issues concerning people’s power and people’s economy drew the attention of the assemblies and especially the district conferences. Concern was expressed to a significant degree as to how the Party Base organisations, the cells of the party, would participate more actively, not just by expressing opinions but also by their action in fulfilling the party’s basic political tasks. Thoughts and remarks were expressed with regard to the work done by cadres, particularly as to the content and methods of guidance and to the lax way the implementation of decisions is monitored. There is already a wealth of material in the minutes of conferences which should be studied in great detail by the party bodies and by the new CC, so that it may be put to good use after the Congress as well.

 

There were serious concerns, thoughts and critical comments and recommendations coming from all those with whom we collaborated in struggles, elections or fields of action. The dialogue with the people will not end on the 17th of this month. It will become more complete and fertile, as it will continue throughout all levels in the party, from the central part to grassroots, everywhere. We have a great responsibility to consolidate joint action and co-operation there and wherever the prerequisites have already been created for us to proceed to a more persistent opening to the whole of Greek society with activities and initiatives for struggle, meeting with those who are willing especially those, due to our fault or theirs, we have not managed to co-ordinate our joint steps.

 

The assessment of activities report is positive. We must confront our delays, omissions and weaknesses so that we can fulfil the task of rallying forces during a period of expression of various shifts in the country’s social and political life.

 

Ever since 1918, the path taken by our party has never been strewn with roses. Nor will it be in the years to come. In the first years after the dictatorship up to the mid - eighties, KKE acted under relatively better conditions. Even at that time, however, things were not simple or easy. The Party had at the same time to face a new set of difficulties created by the illusions fostered by the PASOK policies. PASOK undertook the management of the fate of capitalism during a relatively favourable stage for the system, when the latter was willing, under the pressure of class struggle, to grant some concessions and manoeuvres contributing to a relative and / or real improvements of the living standards. Under such conditions, the viewpoints that radical changes were possible gradually, with no break with the ruling class, were reinforced.

 

Since the start of the latest 25 year period, the scene began to change in international scale. For the bourgeois governance, the need to give up Keynesian management of the system, with extensive state capitalist ownership of industry, transport, telecommunications and the financial sector and the tourism and with the policy of granting broad scale allowances implemented mainly in Europe, ripened gradually.

 

Social democracy proved to be capable to run the system, accelerating, after the victory of the counterrevolution, the implementation of the policies of neoliberal management: With the privatization of productive and other enterprises of large accumulated capital. With the reinforcement of commercialisation in the sectors of education, health care, welfare and insurance. The reactionary restructuring of the labour market aiming at the reduction of the price of labour force. The class character of their policies, identifying themselves with the policies of classical conservative parties and campaigning to slander socialism.

 

Today we are witnessing the abolition of people’s and democratic gains. We are living the period of modern capitalist restructuring and barbarian imperialist aggressiveness. In spite of difficulties and adversities, our party remains a force of counter - stream action and rallying.

 

The prevailing stream of today does not include the bourgeois social and political forces alone or those, which usually, due to their class position are prone to compromise. The overall conservative turn towards neoliberal governance is misleading certain left and communist forces too, which adopt the logic of co - governance, giving up anti - monopoly, anti - capitalist objectives and causes. Unfortunately, it became broader and larger, as it was joined one way or another by forces, which, in previous decades, had made anti - imperialist, democratic proclamations. On the ground of the overthrow of labour relations and the International Law as shaped during the post war years, a climate of disappointment and demoralisation has grown, dragging along thousands of fighters. To our opinion, most of them are not lost nor do we consider them lost for the cause of the Front.

 

There are signs of recovery possibility of the movement

 

There are significant examples and indications that argue in favour of a recovery of the movement. Positive processes are to be seen, while others seem to be ripening, especially in the working people strata. In Greece, it has not been possible to push through the so much desired consensus, for which the oligarchy and the EU apparatus, PASOK and ND assiduously worked, with the help and tolerance of forces having abandoned the class struggle, like the Coalition. Important struggles were waged conveying massage outside our country as well. These were not run - of - the - mill struggles. The clash went deeper, the forms of struggle were more acute and common action was developed against the leadership of most parties. If not for these struggles, the situation would be worse today. The neoliberal measures would have advanced in a much more accelerated pace.

 

The government proceeded to make an unprecedented attack slandering them, using all its apparatus to intimidate, persecute and to crush the struggles. In certain cases, the New Democracy party may have shown tolerance initially when the struggles broke out, but when it saw their meaning and content it openly denounced them. The Coalition may have issued declarations of solidarity, but, at the crucial moment, it denounced the forms of struggle used because they disturbed the tranquillity of consensus. The role of the employers is well known: They literally tried to crush the strikers and militants using the apparatus or repression but also the threat of unemployment.

 

Judicial persecution of thousands of farmers, workers, pupils and teachers, the use of force and intimidation are undeniable evidence of an upswing in the struggles. The revision of the Constitution is aiming at immobilising the people’s movement and at removing any formal obstacle to the abolition of popular gains. It is certain that the people will take conscience that this legality concerns the selected few and their class interests.

 

During these years, our Party has with the Anti-imperialist, Antimonopoly Democratic Front (AADF) as its point of initiatives to rally people in large and intensive fronts for struggle and during electoral contests, without requiring a previous agreement on general strategy.

 

We took significant initiatives both to co-ordinate joint action amongst communist and labour parties and to rally anti-imperialist forces around the objective of co-ordinated activities in labour struggles and in the movement against the new NATO doctrine. We supported international proposals and efforts. We met with new forces and acquired greater maturity as regards the cause of the Front.

 

The fact that changes are ripening and that there is fermentation is clear from the fact that there are plans and scenarios on the table to reshape the political landscape without disrupting the process of capitalist restructuring and the participation of Greece in the most aggressive plans of imperialism. Although our country’s ruling class (which constitutes an integral part of the European oligarchy and one part of which perhaps has even further ambitions) would like the alternation of its two parties to function unhindered and understands that other thoughts must also be implemented. The ruling class is interested in that the rivalry between PASOK an ND over the spoils of government goes on but without going beyond certain limits. It is interested in using social democracy, which has been proven to be more capable in manipulating people’s minds and in taking over left - wing consciences. It fears however that the unmasking of social democracy will lead to a rise in anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist consciousness. Its method is to support always on a temporary basis, every move or attempt to compromise with the present state of affairs when this comes from the left, from within the movement. It supports and encourages similar moves from the right, even from fascist nationalist elements, though they are not entirely integral to its current cosmopolitanism. Thus, various formations, groupings, groups and circles begin to spring up right and left. Some of them are useful obstacles to the policy of alliance which the people need today.

 

From one point of view, these developments help to separate the soonest possible the wheat from the chaff. The phenomenon of using groupings as obstacles will not stop, it will continue in various forms as the movement grows and as KKE alliance policy meets with fertile ground in the needs and experience of the people.

 

Developments confirm the party’s political line regarding direct opposition and the perspective of global conflict with the capitalist restructuring and imperialist associations. Regarding the character of EU as an interstate capitalist association, the role of NATO. They conform that the bourgeois modernisation moves carried out in Greece, some of which have been implementing in other European countries many years ago, have one and only objective: To increase the system’s efficiency in attacking people’s rights, serving the monopoly capital.

 

With that line and not the one demanded by our opponents, fermentation was facilitated. Our political line may not be to the liking and interest for the forces of big capital, but it is a political line, a political proposal that is cohesive and specific, with clear positions and without contradictions that would lead to an impasse. What is, of course, important is to become a cause of the broader popular masses.

 

Imperialism is strong, yet not omnipotent.

The correlation of forces is negative, yet not immutable.

 

Assessing the developments in Greece, international events, trends, economic and social facts, the very documents of imperialist agencies and foundations over the years, we drew the conclusion that both internationally and in our region conditions are developing for a sudden exacerbation of all contradictions in the international capitalist system and of the phenomena of corruption and stagnation. There are objective conditions bearing a more generalised crisis that will also eventually shape objective elements of a nation wide crisis in one or more countries, sooner in some, later in others.

 

 If only we take a close look at the dissent expressed in the EU summit in Nice. Is it by any chance that the strong imperialist countries claimed and succeeding in becoming the supreme authority because they had in mind the European Peoples’ prosperity? Certainly not. Is it that the weaker countries, including Greece, which demanded a larger portion in the casting vote, cared to secure a pleasant, according to modern standards, life for their people? Of course not. The whole dispute focused on the participation in the process of wealth distribution: wealth which has mainly been formed by the working people. Moreover, all-weak and strong approved the «enhanced co-operation» which constitutes a further step in forming the hard core of EU. In the «Holly Family» of Maastricht Nice, Amsterdam peoples have no place.

 

 In our country too, state monopoly capitalism has entered a phase of exacerbation of contradictions. This exacerbation is more intense and in-depth because of the dependent and subordinate position of Greece in the regional and international imperialist system. We very seriously consider our country to lie in a region - the Balkans, the Mediterranean - where the rivalries amongst the leading powers in the EU and between the EU and the USA are manifested most acutely. Competition in the movement of capital and goods is extremely intense: It is growing in a region where NATO has installed itself, not only in the classical form of nuclear and spy bases, but with military forces to which the imperialist Euroarmy is now being added.

 

Greece lies in a region where border changes began and are continuing. The rivalry between Greece and Turkey is a pre-existing element, yet today is increasingly acute, as the ruling classes of the two countries try to get the larger amount of the profits . At the same time, there are fresh rivalries arising, to the detriment of the Greek ruling class, as the leaderships of the Balkan countries are entering the foreground, in close co-operation with and under conditions of dependence on the USA or leading EU countries that are interested in controlling the Balkans and in having a share of the booty through these countries.

 

It is clear that although Greece plays a very active role in all these aggressive plans, it is not only an executioner but also a victim of imperialist aspirations and rivalries; a significant example is dispute over the sovereign rights to the Aegean Sea.

 

At the beginning of the nineties, difficulties began to arise with regard to the reproduction of social capital in most EU member states. Of course, these difficulties vary from one country to another and the crisis does not appear in an synchronised way in all EU member states but this does not disprove the general trend. The state of the Greek economy is negatively influenced by developments both in the EU and the USA economy. The next economic crisis will be deeper. Therefore, there is ground in Greece as well for a stronger popular discontent to appear, discontent that, under certain conditions, could have a positive impact on rallying people and waging a counteroffensive for deeper changes to be made on the social and political levels.

 

Imperialism is strong today, as it has regained ground that had lost. However, we have the unshakeable conviction that things will not evolve in the same way in the immediate future. We wouldn’t be communists, we wouldn’t be Marxists if we did not consider developments in their entirety, if we didn’t see the contrasts and contradictions that govern and mark the imperialist system even more intensely today.

 

All those who claim that «we are experiencing a reality today that we must not ignore» are telling half the truth out of either self interest or compromise. The reality is evolving and changing; the balance o forces is not immutable; the capitalist system is not omnipotent and eternal. The policy of the Communist Party can not be defined by current developments alone, but also on the basis of the entire course taken by things, with the indispensable intervention of the factor of the people.

 

In spite of the short term run possibilities provided by the export of capital and the means that the capitalist power has in order to intervene to the depth and the intensity of the crisis, it cannot overcome the crises and their consequences. Capitalist cruelty and aggressiveness are not proof of strength alone but also indicate the inability to cope with the sudden exacerbation of the bunch of the contrasts and contradictions, which are inherent in the evolution of the imperialist system.

 

It is not accidental that the most responsible economic and political headquarters of imperialism are increasingly debating the eventuality of humanity facing a global crisis. The impact of the crisis today cannot be mitigated by standard procedures or some variations thereof, because of the concentration of the higher level of both concentration of production and socialisation of labour, on the one hand, and the concentration of the social wealth in all the more fewer hands, on the other. Contradictions and rivalries amongst the various regional centres of imperialism and rivalries within those centres are growing more savage and, thus, imperialism is growing more dangerous. Contradictions may seem stronger in regard to the capital, flow but in reality the essence lies in the sphere of production, the source of capitalist profit and monopoly superprofit, where surplus value is produced. Various shades of capitalist management and a pro - monopoly policy are being sought with a view to somehow regulate the extent and depth of the crisis.

 

The need for a profound change to be made is ripening, incubating the possibility of a general counteroffensive. The speed with which this will become a reality will depend on the progress of the labour and, more generally, the people’s movement in each country on the national level and on the progress of international co-ordination and co-operation.

 

The matter is not for our estimates to coincide as regards when the contradictions will manifest themselves but rather for us to perceive trends and do whatever we can so that positive processes, regroupings and the large social and revolutionary movements will manifest themselves as soon as possible and so that we shall be ready for sudden developments and not merely follow events.

 

It is not enough for us to do the obvious, to stand at the side of the people on a daily basis, in the midst of the problems and struggles. What is important is for the positive processes to be accelerated and the presuppositions shaped for a general counteroffensive to pave the way for radical changes in our country with regard to power and to the general orientation of the country towards international developments.

 

We are not starting from scratch, nor are we speaking of a new beginning. There is a base and ground which to proceed more intensely, at a much faster pace, we and our allies, those we have today and those who soon will join the common struggle.

 

 

A Powerful KKE and the People’s Front

 

For the Party

 

During the open events, conferences and discussions held with people from outside the party and with those who co-operate with us, we frequently heard a view frankly expressed, which surprised us, because it was showing that not only we, members of the party, consider that one of the strongest presuppositions to build the front is the reinforcement of KKE.

 

It is obvious that neither our friends nor, all the more, we ourselves, can give this correct observation the meaning that a powerful KKE should precede the advancement of the Front. It is rather a single process, which means that we must see which practical intensive action we shall take so that KKE can make its great contribution to this cause, which concerns the people more broadly.

 

The concept of a powerful KKE is not a simple one limited to current needs and identified with the usual criteria put forth by bourgeois parties, the political forces whose ambitions extend only as far as certain reforms that do not threaten the present state of affairs.

 

A Powerful KKE

 

A powerful KKE must have a strong and steady organisation first and foremost in the workplace, with continuous growth and renewal of its ranks. The working class with a strong KKE, will be more able to effectively cope - along with its allies - with both domestic and international reactionary forces that want the people to be subjugated and Greece to fully participate in the aggressive military plans against neighbouring peoples.

 

KKE must be capable of advancing the strategically important cause of the AADF.

 

We must have the capacity to make forecasts and to be prepared to for quick readjustments and alternation of priorities and forms of struggle.

 

KKE must be a party that can contribute decisively to a change in the spiritual and social atmosphere so that the people understand that they possess the force to impose their rights. The necessity of socialism, for the ideas of social emancipation and internationalist solidarity must become a broader conviction.

 

We must make our capacity of taking the correct decisions, correspond to the highest possible degree with the effectiveness of our action.

 

Although our party has shown progress in elaborating and developing and developing its strategy under the present conditions, it does not show proportionate results and a steady crystallisation of basic factors and features such as: Growth and renewal of its ranks, construction of the party in the workplace, increasing circulation of Rizospastis and deeper ties with the broader popular masses. While, with its action and initiatives, it has managed to win a high degree of authority, considering the conditions prevailing, and while the circle of allies and the possibilities for co-operation are growing broader, it has not managed to contribute to an upswing in popular organisation and initiative, to register its influence in, for example, elections.

 

Once, in difficult conditions again, a few vanguard communists could mobilise proportionally more people than today. Of course, the problem is also connected to the objective evolution of affairs and to factors which make it difficult to develop political consciousness. We must not, however, hide our subjective weaknesses and some organisational laxity in our work as a whole.

 

The Communist Party is not revolutionary simply because it has a revolutionary goal. A high degree of capability of organising the popular masses, a lively and rich internal functioning and a more active participation of all party members in the shaping of its policy and in implementing its decisions is also required.

 

What kind of problem is this? Why did we not manage to have a greater effectiveness under these conditions? We consider that the answer should be sought in three main factors connected with our work:

 

1.    The connection between strategy and tactics is weak in our daily action, in the creation of prerequisites of construction of the Front, is weak.

2.   We failed to pay the necessary attention and to stress the study, development and perspective of forms and methods of leadership, mass action and propaganda that correspond to the character of the Party’s political tasks and goals, so as to enhance the action of Party members and their participation in the implementation of decisions.

3.   Despite whatever progress we have made, systematic work is not being carried out with cadres so that they will improve their ideological an political level, acquire theoretical knowledge and our methodology and broaden their experience so that they can respond to today’s increased demands.

 

The problem of understanding the relation between tactics and strategy

 

 We are falling short in our daily action as regards the interdependent relationship between tactics and strategy under conditions in which the anti-imperialist, antimonopoly struggle has a stronger anti-capitalist character and the solution to the people’s opposition to monopoly capital and imperialist is inextricably linked to the issue of power to the transition to socialism. We have not managed to have our practical action throughout the party literally subjugated to the task of creation of the preconditions to construct the Front.

 

 How is this problem expressed:

 

§      A single and stable orientation in orientation in our political and mass action in the working class, that is, in the leading force in the people’s struggle has not yet been achieved. While we are facing new problems with the strategy of contemporary capitalist restructuring and with imperialist aggressiveness, we are working under the burden of the experiences, view and methods that corresponded to previous phases.

§      There is the phenomenon of adherence to the partial or specific instead of meeting the need to highlight and fight in the general direction of rallying forces on the basis of opposition to monopoly capital and imperialist policy.

§      Phenomena that are equally erroneous also appear in our action, but the opposite way: The general direction is highlighted, as it must be, but without being founded in action around anti-imperialist, antimonopoly objectives and demands that contribute to make it understood.

 

One should not underestimate the needs for our propaganda, for our proposal to be founded in the severity of the specific problems existing in each sphere, as each is manifested in its own particular way. We must not ignore that which has ripened in the consciousness of the working people, but we cannot keep sticking to that which has been understood or that we think it has been.

 

We know the reasons that lead the working people to make demands that are limited or defensive ones compared to those that were put forth and that ripened ten or fifteen years ago. Rarely highlighted today are the problems of health and safety in the workplace, although our country has a record number of labour accidents and vocational diseases. Likewise, there is little projection of demands for democracy in the workplace and for the equal treatment and emancipation of women or of topical demands for the education of the working people children, for modern free health care , for the protection of environment. . Even the economic demands of the working people move on a very low level. This, however, does not mean that we are free of the obligation to highlight the contemporary demands of the working people and to show the possibilities that exist today for them to live better and the real reasons why they are being condemned to a deterioration in their living and working conditions.

 

The conclusion that can be drawn is that the other path of development for Greek society and the need for the power of the monopolies to be overturned should not be projected only during pre election periods or at peak moments of the struggle, but on a daily basis too and during periods when mass activity is less intense. Such times offer the opportunity for experience to settle and for the next offensive to be prepared.

 

Under today’s conclusions with capitalist aggressiveness greater and the correlation of forces negative, our inability to dialectically link tactics to strategy has impacted on the trade union struggles themselves, narrowing their effectiveness. The problem cannot be solved through barren debate on whether to stress the immediate of the more general, the local, sectional or whatever. We are not choosing the one part to the detriment of the other; the problem lies in raising our ideological and political level, in acquiring broader knowledge, in being able to connect tactics to strategy and, in the final analysis, to join theory and practice. The prerequisite for these is knowledge of the program and of our strategy but also good knowledge of every problem, its nature and depth, so as to succeed in connecting tactics to strategy in a thorough and concrete way.

 

The problem of the forms and methods of leadership, inner party life and operation. Increased personal responsibility of party members in elaborating implementing and promoting decisions.

 

Everyone’s active participation in shaping decisions constitutes a basic precondition for enhancing action and individual responsibility. It is a problem of leadership, of the manner in which leadership is carried out and of the preparation for conferences and discussions so that these will be lively, will bring up issues to be resolved and increase participation in thought and action. We must confront the mentality of routine, standardisation, generalisation and fragmentation.

 

We have not achieved this yet experience has accumulated; therefore we can improve our work in giving guidelines.

 

The CC considers that we must focus our attention on certain more specific issues which could improve orientation and raise the assimilation of Party strategy into practical work to higher level.

 

First: We must acquire a single view as to how we can contribute to overcoming the serious obstacles which arise from the consensus and compromise prevailing in the leaderships of the labour and trade union but also of the middle strata the farmers. In conjunction with the more general development in the economy and in labour relations, this attitude of the leaderships increases the tendency towards withdrawal from unions and from organised union life. There must not be one single member of the party that is not active member of his or her union. We must place particular importance on and make our own contribution so that the working class undertake their responsibilities, that is, to become a vanguard force in initiatives to develop militant forms of social alliance with other popular strata in whose interest it is to fight back against the monopolies and monopoly capital in general.

 

Comprehension of the strategy of social alliance must be gained in practice, in Party action, in every party Base Organisation. The work that preceded the Congress showed that there are mistaken views and, in the main, a lack of knowledge as to which are the driving forces behind the struggle and the Front, what the common basis is and how existing differences can be dealt with.

 

Based on the experience we have, we must work in a more conscientious and programmed way to boost the Party’s leading role in the labour movement, particularly in the trade unions and in united class trade union struggles. We must deal decisively with the fragmented, piecemeal action, the narrowing on the horizons of social movements and the view that each movement is autonomous and separate. The problems of education, and health care, the inequality of women and youth, the exploitation of foreign workers, free time and recreation, food provision, culture, sport and environment must become causes for struggle by the working class and its allies. The same is true as far as the causes increasing the spread of drug addiction, social criminality, racism and chauvinism. Imperialist policy, military interventions and war, the redivision of spoils, countries being robbed of their wealth, the shrinking of democracy and the offensive of intimidation as regards the right to strike and of the class struggle are issues of daily fight back for the working people. Opposition, to the monopolies and imperialism must pervade all social movements without, of course, them losing their autonomy, particularity or specificity.

 

§      We must provide for continuity in the elaboration of the planned framework for struggle contained in the Theses, which have already been enriched with comments and proposals.

 

The Program framework for struggle:- provides the popular movement with anti-imperialist, antimonopoly objectives on the basis of contemporary needs and makes it easier to understand why a people’s economy is necessary. It corresponds to the vanguard role of the working class in Greek society and to the common interests with its allies.

 

It substantiates the reasons why farmers with small and medium - sized holdings and other petty bourgeois strata, entrepreneurs with SMEs and other social movements (of youth, women, the movement against imperialism and war and military interventions, for democratic freedoms, culture, sport and every movement that touches on important aspects of our people’s problems) have an interest in meeting in a united struggle with common goals with the working class.

 

Makes possible to maintain a steady general direction in the struggle and for the appropriate ranking and priorities to be made set according to conditions, particularities and current events.

 

Gives the maturity level of social movements the ability to be taken into account, without welcoming the tendency not to demand, to compromise, to the management of the unemployment and the crisis.

 

We shall work jointly in this process with the forces we are co-operating with and with those we are looking forward to co-operate with taking into account all the processes and explorations under way.

 

Throughout the Party on all levels from the CC all the way to the PBOs, we must acquire closer and more direct ties to the working class and its organisations in both the workplace an the neighbourhood. To same holds roe young people in the work place at school and at home. We must disseminate broader and convincing communist propaganda and enlightenment on a higher level through the popularisation of the Party’s Theses, Program and its political proposal for the Front. We must stop downgrading political work in the working class and amongst youth to the level of the mass movement’s current needs. Today, the situation is much riper to transmit our ideology to the working class.

 

It is impossible to change situations that are more or less fixed in the minds of the people’s masses without clashing sharply with opportunism and reformism, with reactionary ideology, nationalism and chauvinism, the cosmopolitanism of capital.

 

We must increase our contribution to the organisation of working people into unions, in conjunction with the reinforcement of their militant orientation. Greater contribution to rallying and to the co-ordination of action with forms helping to draw closer working people to the struggle and the trade union action. The strengthening of the role of the Workers’ Militant Front (PAME) and the broadening its action and its ties with the trade unions and working people constitute the militant unifying response to the state of affairs prevailing today in the labour and trade union movement and to the difficulties encountered by the working people due to employers’ intimidation. Let us open yet wider our thoughts towards new forms of action and organisation to embrace large segments of the working class that today are being pushed outside the ranks of the trade union movement, partly because of the new labour relations, such as the unemployed, the uninsured and foreign workers. We must establish ways to communicate with both working and jobless women and with women working in the unofficial «gray» economy, who are up against addition obstacles hindering them from a class consciousness and from understanding the need for organised action.

 

The CC proposes to the Congress to adopt the resolution of organising a national conference concerning the work of the Party in the working class and the trade union movement.

 

Second: Without any postponement or invocation of any objective difficulty that there may exist, we must urgently fill our party life with content that is spirited and rich, so that it will correspond to the complexity of our political tasks. We can and we must use more dynamic simple forms of leaderships that will ensure speed in the briefing of PBOs and in reacting to important events. We shall thus put an end to routine laxity and delayed reaction. This will depend to a large extent on the quality of our leadership, on the action of the CC, on the guiding bodies, especially on the level of regional, city and prefectural committees.

 

The most basic and main thing is to ensure that all party members, all PBOs take an active part in promoting the tasks of building the Front, of strengthening the party in the working class movement and in building the Party.

 

Meetings of Party bodies and PBO assemblies must evolve into lively and militant sessions where action plans are drafted reflecting a deeper concern as to how, with what tactics, priorities, methods and choices and with which line of ideological confrontation the greatest rallying of forces can be achieved.

 

The benchmark by which the work of every PBO is measured is whether its action in its own field contributes to an upswing in the organising of the popular masses to the struggle, the dissemination of communist ideas and values and to our ability to work with broader forces that may have disagreements with us but nevertheless feel concern and seek joint action.

 

The criterion for our performance consists of how we contribute to and facilitate the development of popular initiative an self - mobilisation. Only if we succeed in this can we speak of the existence of a strong mass movement and of possibilities existing for the class struggle to be intensified.

 

From the aforementioned, it can be concluded that we have special tasks regarding the content of our ideological work, the utilisation of Party publications and material, first and foremost, «Rizospastis» and KOMEP (Communist Review) which contribute to a fuller merging of orientation and experience and to our attainment of a unified level of knowledge and experience so that all arrows hit the same target. We must carry out dynamic ideological work in many forms but also with a system of individual self - education linked to the needs and prospects of the struggle.

 

Both the CC and the leading and consulting bodies, cities, towns and prefectures must at every stage have a full picture of the developments and problems that regard the economy and the working people, development opportunities, the action taken by the ruling quarters, the people’s concerns and the processes under way. The picture must also include the consequences of international developments from the participation and incorporation of the country in the regional and international imperialist division and in imperialist agencies. Knowledge of reality cannot be acquired just once and for all, since it is subject to the law of evolution and reorganisation. This level of consciousness and of the study of reality has now matured within us an we can attain it. This will make it possible to better elaborate and specify our strategic tasks in every sphere or area and to set the right priorities and escalation for our goals. The specific tasks of the organisation stem from the general ones and it is in this light that we must lead, debate and decide.

 

The in - depth study and creative generalisation of our experience from political and mass action, from the progress of the class struggle, from the struggles in general and from the rallying of political forces must be implemented on a daily basis, must become a standard may to work. This should also include international experience from the labour movement, from the people’s struggles and from the alliance policy of the labour movement in the capitalist world.

 

In this framework, «Rizospastis» and «KOMEP» can also help with news, articles and surveys. One must also take advantage of the form of conferences and seminars. POBs’ information must be substantial and though all available means.

 

Our first priority is to learn from positive experiences but also from our mistakes, to be able to answer the question of why a decision remained on theory, why we failed to have the necessary results. It does not suffice to study the experience on the realm of responsibility of each organisation, of each body. However valuable that may be, it inevitably suffers from being limited. It is necessary to generalise and pass on the collective experience so that each Party body, organisation and member will have a much broader horizon of experience, knowledge and conclusions.

 

We must systematically use the experience and observations of those with whom we cooperate, of fellow fighters, of all those who wish to take action together with Communists. We shall mention another must, since it regards an issue in which we have not attained a satisfactory level: We must choose the fullest ways to communicate with, to hold a dialogue with friends and Party followers with those with whom we co-operate in order to constantly expand our influence, to stabilise and expand the circle of fighters with whom we debate and exchange views, while, at the same time, take action together.

 

Renewal of the Party ranks

 

On the ground of rise of the people’s struggle and self action the fast development of our party ranks will be achieved with the inclusion of the most capable fighters, by planned, programmed and constantly checked work. Even today there are forces around us capable of and suitable for constituting the new blood of our party. They are not few, however, our conscious and programmed action in this field is at a very low level and formal, the duty of party building is lost among the daily routine and the current problems. Consequently, even today there exist prerequisites for the development and improvement of the Party’s social composition, even today we must proceed to the recruitment of fighters who want to be not simply friends and followers but communists, with the duties and rights provided by the honourable title of party member. In the ranks of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE) there are already comrades who can acquire the title of party member, a question that we must give due consideration to, in relation to what has been done by party organisations on this issue, so far.

 

 

KKE, KNE and the youth movement

 

The organisation of KNE vindicated completely the Party’s expectations, expressed in the 15th congress. It has been strengthened tangibly, it has multiplied, it has played a vanguard role in the struggles of youth for the problems of work and education, while it has had considerable activity on other fronts such as the movement against imperialist war, against drugs, in the field of culture. The political activity of KKE and its political directions provided a serious potential to the KNE members and cadres to intensify their action for the solution of problems of Youth, for the development of their contacts with youth.

 

However, we find ourselves at a stage which from a certain point of view can be considered critical. The assistance provided by us to KNE, so far, is not enough. Especially now that the organisation is developing at a fast pace. It is no longer permissible for us to continue in this manner, in other words to give a general, formal political and ideological assistance with the customary participation of the party representative in meetings or vice versa, with the participation of KNE members in party procedures and activities. These things are needed too, but they are insufficient in today’s conditions.

 

The party cadres and members and above all the constituted party organs are duty bound to bend more over the complex problems, objectively confronted by KNE, in its activity among the youth, so that our assistance is meaningful. It is first of all a party duty to convey, to transmit to the KNE members the Party’s long experience and history, to contribute to their communist education in a rich and attractive manner. The history of our Party, of our people, concerns youth in a broader sense.

 

The new C.C. must set up appropriate staffs, co-operate with non-party people who have a good knowledge of youth problems, the psychology and contemporary orientations of the young generation, so that it elaborates positions and proposals in some fields, where, today, it falls considerably short. It concerns fields of a more general importance which, however, are of interest to the young generation, such as questions of social policy, science and research, new technologies, culture and sports, leisure time which is non-existent even for childhood.

 

The main and basic question is the Party to acquire direct and closer ties and bonds with the young generation and not only through the activity by KNE, which certainly has its own independent responsibility for action towards the development of a strong youth movement, for the participation of youth to the People’s Front.

 

In today’s conditions when the disengagement and pessimism among the middle ages is spread, the Party’s action must combine the social-class criteria with the criteria of age. Today’s young generation is the one who, in the coming years, would be called upon to take big decisions and make some hard choices. From the present time, therefore, it is determined what will take place tomorrow, how soon there will be proceedings and positive developments, as far as the people is concerned, in favour of the alternative road of development of Greek society.

 

The policy of appointing and developing cadres is a question of critical importance

 

Lately new cadres have been elevated through activity and in hard battles, while older and tested cadres made efforts for improving their efficiency. The new CC, the leading organs must pass into a high level of staff plan for the development and appointment of cadres; so that at the next congress there is a sufficient number of new cadres who will give greater impetus to the Party’s activity. We will succeed in this task only if the whole of the Party’s forces makes the policy of cadre appointment its own aim , as well as the critical examination and control of their work on the basis of the general, unified criteria we have set.

 

As far as the cadre policy is concerned the kind of logic implied in the saying «the beast of carriage wakes up the cart driver» is not applicable. Basic element of the planning is the recording of the specific needs especially in fields of work where we currently have deficiencies, such as: new cadres from the working class, from fronts of struggle of strategic importance. Cadres for ideological work, for propaganda, scientific work and research. Women cadres for all fields of activity, the organisation work, work in the mass movement, in the ideological field.

 

Whereas in our documents we have worked out the basic criteria for the appointment and evaluation of cadres, in practice we deviate from their application.

 

The conclusion is that the control of cadre work in the Party must become more substantial, must be based on the real results of his/her work and not on some superficial aspects. The cadre himself/herself seeks control, criticism, because only then one can pinpoint on time the weak aspects of one’s work.

 

The necessary prerequisites, faith in the working class cause, struggle for socialism and communism, application of the Party’s principles and rules of operation, participation in the struggle, one’s ties and bonds with the working class and the popular masses, do not automatically constitute sufficient conditions for one to meet one’s big duties. KKE cadres confront complex problems, they are exposed to all traps and weapons of the class enemy, who correctly estimates that the attack upon the Party from outside may bring some results to the degree it finds support by a number of its cadres.

 

The CC and the leading bodies, at least to the level of Prefecture Committees, must include cadres who have absorbed the party policy, have a complete picture and knowledge of duties and at the same time are specialised in their field of responsibility. They must possess a sense of responsibility that they must be supported by the assistance and utilisation of party members, but non party people, as well, who possess special knowledge and experience. Permanent staffs of work must be set up, so that the leading work is supported by the deeper study of issues. The indispensable specialisation in a field of work must not lead to detachment from general duties, must not end in one-sidedness which leads to bow to the special, to the local, to singularity. The specialised knowledge, the scientific work and studies, are necessary not as an end to themselves but in order to serve the upsurge of class struggle, the rallying of forces, in order to overcome off handiness and focus only on practical issues.

 

The cadres are duty bound to secure the best possible conditions so that all opinions are heard, no matter how different they are. It does not concern a simple personal democratic right. The exposition of all views, their critical examination, the documented rejection of them, secures that before decisions binding on all are taken, all aspects have been examined, all experiences and proposals have been utilised. Such a process cultivates a feeling of self confidence that the decisions are correct, they correspond to reality. The party cadres have the responsibility of securing the suitable conditions for such a process.

 

The rejected views and proposals must not be forgotten, be thrown in a waste basket. Perhaps some of them, in the course of struggle, prove their usefulness or even correctness. This is ascertained immediately through united action on the basis of decisions approved by the majority.

 

It is required of every cadre to recognise the need for political and ideological education; however the cadre needs to be assisted by the system of self-education, party schools, lectures for the deepening of his/her knowledge, his/her constant renewal in modern conditions. The personal capacity and willingness for contribution to the common cause is not enough. It is demanded of a cadre to capture the capacity for the correct orientation of Party organisations, the capacity to convince and draw into action broader forces, capacity in the implementation of decisions, in the mobilisation of all available forces. The personal improvement is not an end in itself but rather a precondition for the cadre to be able to influence the collective improvement.

 

A capable cadre is required above all to be a capable organiser; in a few words, to be able to orientate correctly those he/she lgives guidance and counsel, to contribute to the appointment of new cadres, to have as many sided as possible capacities so as to be able to work efficiently in various fields of work. To be able to distinguish the main, the basic, to be able to delve into the field of his/her responsibility; to be able to see the view put forward by life, to see the mistake, the weakness, on time. To feel responsible for the whole course of work. To express openly his/her opinion in the party organs, in the bodies he/she participates, aiming at assisting the decision making, the correction of mistakes that to his/her estimation are committed. To listen to and study the views and critical remarks expressed.

 

Even then all these talents are not sufficient if the cadre does not contribute in promoting communist education and discipline by his/her personal example, based on the knowledge of the party’s policy and the conscientious application of the principles of constitution independently of personal views, at the high level of ideological and political vigilance.

 

From the Party’s experience it is concluded that on some occasions of systematic, long standing disagreements, which lead to changes of political and ideological orientations, the cadre consider the rules of party operation as stifling and compelling; in these cases often coexist changes to political and ideological orientations. In such conditions they may end in a choice of open confrontation with the Party, even open polemics, a fact that unavoidably leads to their expulsion, but not before all margins have been exhausted so that nobody be lost for the Party.

 

The departure from the Party as a result of personal choice or as a result of expulsion for concrete unconstitutional and anti-party activities, does not relieve the cadres who held responsible positions for many years, from the moral obligation to respect the struggles of the Party, the hard efforts made by members today.

 

 

FOR THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST ANTI-MONOPOLY DEMOCRATIC FRONT

 

The central question put by the Theses of the 16th congress refer to the indispensability of building a Front of alliance and co-operation of social and political forces, social-political personalities, which will organise the people’s fight for the daily people’s problems, will convince the majority of the people that it is worth making sacrifices for, that they can struggle with the aim of winning the people’s power, having as a main feature the socialisation of the country’s natural resources and the basic concentrated means of production, the workers’ social control. The people’s power will organise the people’s economy - the material base - for social welfare, the liberation and political independence of the country from the imperialist order of things.

 

We use the term people’s front or people’s alliance in order to show the movement’s character, the need to win not simply the confidence of the majority of the people, but to contribute to the popular forces coming to the fore. For claiming power, confronting actively the local and international reaction which will not remain indifferent faced with the danger of losing the country’s control.

 

From the moment we speak of an alliance we are quite clear that no agreement can exist on all issues, not only for political reasons, but because the social forces do not have fully identical interests. They have differences besides the common interest for struggle. Forces with contradictions among them will participate in the Front, as is the case between the working class and petty bourgeois strata, between forces with different level of consciousness, experience, ideological and political views. All these forces can agree on the need to confront the interests of monopolies, of imperialism.

 

Lately, in the pre-congress period much ink has been used, crocodile tears have been shed because allegedly KKE has been violating the decisions of the 15th Congress, has abandoned its theory and has tumbled in a proposal of an alliance which puts as a condition agreement with KKE on all matters, even the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. KKE has been criticised in a demagogic way that instead of uniting the working class, it divides it putting forward a rallying line which does not correspond to reality. That for the sake of socialist revolution it renounces the struggle for the people’s daily problems. They reached the point of accusing KKE for having departed from today’s fields of struggle, those people who had accused KKE as the instigator of all big mobilisations of workers, peasants, the youth.

 

Of course these demagogic and absolutely false theories are not directed at the party and KNE members, but they are rather directed at an audience which becomes sensitive to our proposal, is moved by the idea of the People’s Front, is concerned in a joint or parallel direction with us. From a certain point of view this attack gives us the opportunity for the real proposal of KKE to be heard more broadly and authentically.

 

The critical question is not whether an alliance is needed. The question is on what base it must be built, for what purpose, what the necessary level of agreement is, what differences are prohibitive for its setting up, what differences may remain and how they will be solved in the course of events. A critical question is also the forms of organisation and struggle of the Front, its composition, its mode of operation.

 

We refer to an alliance with political aims, with an alternative program, which has in its centre the question of power and in this way it provides an answer to the big, pressing problems of the people. There is no party, political movement, there is no proposal for political alliance, which does not have as a point of reference, whether it admits it openly or not, the question of power. Besides this is the essential difference between parties and mass organisations.

 

The bourgeois parties resort to the policy of alliances in order to maintain today’s power and to render inactive the popular factor. The petty bourgeois parties and political movements which move on a line of confrontation with the neo-liberal policy without adopting, as yet, changes in a anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist direction, face two alternatives: either to incline towards the defence of the present system, to limit themselves to a logic of managing the system, or to fight against it, organising the struggle against the pro-monopoly policy, against the interests of monopoly capital. Either to take part in the management of the system, or to turn their back to it and to chart a course towards radical and not superficial changes at the level of power, to the benefit of the people.

 

KKE since its foundation to the present time has always counted very seriously on the unity of action of the working class, of the people on the basis of the problems and needs, knowing in particular that the ruling class and its parties want the working people neither united nor concerned with urgent problems. That’s why we had and still have vanguard participation in the mass struggles, we fight for the revival of trade union activity, we support the All Workers Militant Front (PAME), we are interested about the movements of peasantry and small business, self employed people, about the revival of the activity of their organisations, but for the formulation of a militant pole in the other movements of petty bourgeois strata.

 

For this reason we must support every form of people’s organisation with even greater sense of responsibility, as well as every initiative which unites in the struggle even when the demands and the aims claimed refer to limited aspects, are narrow, defensive. For this reason we worked and are still working persistently to bring about the widest possible rallying to the struggle against imperialist war, the military interventions, the rapid deployment forces, the abolition of democratic and social liberties.

 

Nowhere and never, however, much more today that we live a period of the greatest capitalist offensiveness and barbarism, the struggles will give a solution on their own, if a strong social-political alliance is not formed, having a political plan for radical changes, changes at the level of power.

 

The argument about action of the people on the basis of problems of each particular sector is an alibi, a smoke-screen in order to hide the real views which support a line of alliance closely related to, if it doesn’t converge on most points with, the concept of centre-left, which is a form of managing the system, already tested on the backs of the peoples of Europe. The unity on the individual problem strengthens the tendency of splitting the efforts, it does not unite; it separates the working people in pigeon holes. It may move popular masses which do not have a developed experience or are not conscious of the weapons and the strength they possess. This phenomenon is explainable. When, however, it is projected as a substitute for the anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly alliance, it serves to the system, to the neo-liberal acquiescence and especially to social democracy; it assists the New Democracy Party (ND) in its efforts to appear socially attractive.

 

The 16th Congress with its decisions will give to the people documents even more concrete and clear, without mincing words. Of course, it is not possible for all problems of tomorrow to be solved today, it is not possible to draw detailed plans, because in such a case they will be just theory. Today KKE answers correctly the question of what the Front is and which direction it will have to move to. The dynamics of developments will give us answers to those questions and different views whose solution has not matured yet. Besides we do not consider that we, on our own, will study and confront all questions; we discuss issues and tomorrow we will discuss more with allies, with those who in the course of struggle will come close to us.

 

KKE makes it clear that the Front will express and rally in organised action working class movements, those of the small and medium size peasantry, petty bourgeois strata who are suppressed by the activity of monopolies. It will rally political forces who want to resist and to act in an anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist direction, social movements expressing the demands of youth, women, movements against the imperialist order of things, against NATO and war, against the European military forces, movements for democracy, culture, education, health, the environment; every movement or action which wants to contribute to the course in this direction, through the particular problems it puts forward.

 

From a certain point of view it is an unprecedented form of alliance for our country, in contemporary conditions, as it involves social and political organisations and mass movements. The forces which will set up the Front with a nation-wide programmatic framework of struggle, maintain their autonomy. The Front must not «digest», must not «amalgamate» political and social forces; in such a case it will be nothing but a multi-tendencies party without any dynamics and perspective. Besides we have had enough experience as to how alliances transformed into party formations, were developed and finally ended.

 

The most basic differences among the forces of the Front will concern the question: what will happen at the level of power following the radical overthrow of the correlation of forces? This does not mean that there won’t be differences on other questions of tactics and strategy.

 

How will the issue of differences be solved:

 

With the contest of ideas within the ranks of the Front, by taking care so that this contest does not prevent joint action, does not endanger the achieved level of agreement on the general direction. The differences will not be solved only at the level of discussions between the leaderships of political forces and social movements, but in the course of struggles, as well, with the assistance also of the correlation of power which will be formulated in society. Compromises are necessary and permissible provided they do not lead the people’s movement backwards, do not lead to retreat and fall back, in the face of pressures and divisive actions by the establishment, in favour of participating in or supporting the governmental management. Compromises are necessary, in conditions of temporary retreat, in order to prepare the ground for the next offensive attempt, the new phase of counterattack.

 

The Front itself will be subject to internal changes and changes in its relations with society, under the dynamics of developments, depending on whether it goes through the period of low or high tide. The progress of the struggle will bring realignments at the political level, consequently the tendency will logically be that new forces will enter the Front, new forces will approach it. The contrary, however, can not be excluded beforehand; some forces may be unable or unwilling to go forward to the final rift.

 

Some comrades, in the pre-congress discussion, expressed concern that by the term people’s power we slip into the logic of the two stages. Other comrades considered that the logic of stages is connected with our estimation for the possibility for a government of anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist forces to be pushed forward on the basis of national Parliament.

 

There is neither such intention nor such a danger, since our positions formulated by the 15th Congress, are clear and do not permit misinterpretations. Of course, it can be understood in this way by broader popular forces who wish overthrows to take place gradually through reforms, in an evolutionary process, or it can be understood thus by popular forces who believe that capitalism is invincible. Such misinterpretations and illusions can not be avoided; the question, however, is what we really say in the program and the «Theses» which we are discussing in our congress.

 

As early as the middle of the eighties and specifically after the 12th Congress we had concluded, on the basis of developments, that there can not exist a transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, which will solve in favour of the working people the contradiction with monopolies, with imperialism. Already since the 15th Congress we got hold of the thread of those thoughts and elaboration, taking into account at the same time, the significant changes taken place meanwhile.

 

From the moment the Front is built in an anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist direction it is logical to project a positive position as to what kind of power is needed. This power can not be ambiguous, either it will serve monopolies and imperialism or it will distinctly be in full opposition to them.

 

The anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly struggle is connected with and incorporated into the struggle against capitalism, more organically than in the past. Though it does not necessarily lead to socialism, it contributes to the creation of conditions, since by its nature it involves conflicts that undermine the foundations of capitalist society, whose economic base is the monopoly. For this reason the Front must be open to the dynamics of developments within the country itself, and to international developments, as well.

 

In conditions of a revolutionary situation it can assume the features of a revolutionary front which fights in order to overthrow the power of monopolies, with readiness and the capacity to interchange all forms of struggle. Within this struggle, with the experience and decisiveness of the people’s majority, new people’s institutions are set up which can reach the level of a revolutionary government. This government with the victorious outcome of the struggle will complete and consolidate its features as a socialist power of the working class and its allies.

 

The struggle for the people’s power will go through many phases and fluctuations. The depth and the extend of changes at the level of power are determined, in every phase or turn of the movement, by the correlation of forces, by the dynamics of developments. We can not exclude the possibility for a sudden decrease of the power of bourgeois parties to occur, much as it seems that such developments are not favoured today. In other words their prestige and influence among the people could drop suddenly, without the existence of conditions of a national crisis, of a revolutionary situation; that would raise the possibility to formulate a government of anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist forces on the basis of parliament.

 

The Front must have a direction and foresight as to how to act in such an eventuality, of the appointment of a government of anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist forces. It must utilise such a possibility, secure the maximum mobilisation of the people, support and check the government so that it charts political choices which meet the intensified problems of the people, accelerate the procedures for a more drastic change of the correlation of forces.

 

People’s power - People’s economy

 

The people’s power in our concept is a socialist power. However, we do not put as a condition for the setting up of the Front, agreement on the question of socialism, of the dictatorship of the proletariat. We estimate that the term people’s power can provide a general unifying idea, and every component of the Front will maintain its own concept for its character and content. In every case the concept of the people’s power must include features which distinguish it from the dictatorship of monopolies and convince the people that the struggle is worthy of sacrifices.

 

Which features and qualities can secure this diversity:

 

The fact that it will be a power expressing exclusively the interests of the working class and its allies, it will have as its main feature the instituting of a people’s economy, the social ownership, worker’s social control. It will promote policy independent of the international imperialist organisations, and will free itself of the formal commitments to them. The people’s power will already have the consent of the people to such a choice, since its programme can not be implemented inside the walls of the EU and NATO. Besides, the EU itself determines that the member states do not have the right to dispute the capitalist restructuring. Moreover they have to support it in every possible way, by economic, political and suppressive means. NATO not only does not allow to the member states any margin for manoeuvres, even when it concerns the question of borders, national sovereignty, but on the contrary, demands full participation in the policy of border changing, war and terrorism against the peoples.

 

We do not have any illusions that it is easy for a single country on its own to fully confront the encirclement and the reaction that will arise from its attempt to ignore and break up its commitments. However, we can not agree with those who support the view that Greece will be on its own.

 

We believe that Greece has the capabilities of standing on its feet, it will also have the possibilities of co-operating and allying itself with other countries which will have an interest in a mutually beneficial co-operation. We also count on the fact that positive changes, to one degree or another, will take place elsewhere too; besides the tendencies for regional co-operation are strengthened, even today. We can not agree with utopian views which support that changes will take place simultaneously in all countries of the EU and NATO or that nothing can be done in a single country or in a circle of a few or more countries. How are changes to occur at an international level if each individual country does not try to deliver a blow at the capitalist institutions, to take advantage of the contradictions, to strengthen the centrifugal forces?

 

The confrontation with and breaking away from the international imperialist organisations, will unavoidably be caused and will be expressed, above all, in the field of economy, but as well in the country’s policy in the Balkans, in the region, in its defence doctrine which has been transformed into an offensive one, today.

 

The people’s power will be compelled by reality itself to put in full motion the country’s resources and to utilise all of the country’s development sources; to secure employment, the improvement of people’s life, of health and education, the protection of the social and natural environment. It is impossible for any step forward to be taken, even more so for the pro-people’s development to proceed, if a central nation-wide economic management apparatus is not formulated, for the utilisation of the country’s resources, the development sources and capabilities. The tool for such an apparatus will be the state nation-wide planning adapted to regional, branch, inter-branch level, aiming also at enabling the country to utilise, from the first moment, every possible positive international economic co-operation.

 

It is impossible to materialise a planned total development for the majority, of the people, when the basic and concentrated means of production and the country’s productive wealth are in the hands of monopolies, the international monopolies.

 

Consequently an indispensable condition is the socialisation of resources, of the concentrated means of production. The socialised sector will be extended in comparison with what was required in the past, since monopoly capital has passed on a higher degree of concentration and penetration, not only at the production level but also in commerce, in the social sector, in education and health, in tourism. The latter is a significant source of income for our country, besides the role it plays in the people’s quality of life. We do not support the full, total nation-wide scale socialisation. We support that next to the socialised sector of the people’s economy the productive co-operatives of the small and medium peasantry, small business people, especially those who operate in the manufacturing branches, where there is very small concentration will operate. The incorporation of these popular strata in co-operatives, with the experience acquired under the pressure from monopolies, will be conceived as a beneficial choice, since it facilitates their concentration, the securing of their rights, the rise of their productivity, the improvement of products and their distribution.

 

In this way the alliance of the working class with the poor peasantry and small business people will be strengthened, the distribution of consumer goods, without the known profiteering on the basis of modern needs, will be secured.

 

In the people’s economy we include: Energy. Telecommunications. Mines. Water supply. Transport. The basic branches of manufacturing, and means of production. The banking system, the system of concentration, distribution, management of economic and material sources. Foreign trade , the concentrated network of domestic trade. The sector of people’s housing. The basic and applied research. The democratic information of the people.

 

The central nation-wide economic management apparatus may operate with a real ambition for efficiency, capacity to overcome the hurdles it will come across on a national and international level, to the degree it secures in practice the active participation of working people in the social and workers’ control, democracy in the work place. It aims at the extended satisfaction of the people’s needs, the extended reproduction, the country’s security and defence, the international co-operation and international people’s solidarity.

 

Central planning protects local production, secures the proportions of production-distribution, promotes bilateral agreements between states, research for the application of the achievements of science and technology in the sector of production and reproduction of labour force.

 

It develops the means of production, the productivity of labour, the vertical interconnection of manufacturing and agricultural production, decentralisation, protection against floods and earthquakes, the environment.

 

How the Front will be formed as soon as possible

 

It is a fact that the setting up of the Front is an absolutely immediate need, or we would rather say that the people would struggle from better positions had it already been realised. However, it is neither the first time nor is it likely to be the last that we ascertain a discrepancy between indispensability and immediate possibility. The timing of setting up the Front is not our own exclusive responsibility; more general prerequisites are required for it, such as the revitalisation of the workers’ trade union movement and other basic movements, the final commitment to it by significant forces active today. Some of them are still under the influence of other parties, which in some way have a «dual soul», whilst they see things clearly, can not free themselves of the illusion that it is possible for the leaderships of their parties to change course.

 

In any case we are not at the same point with the period of the 15th congress, when the first elaboration of our political position took place. Today we are in a position to talk about the Front not only as a theory, but also possessing the experience of rallying people, of co-operation affected in various fronts of struggle. It is positive that a debate has commenced. Much work is still needed make a broader discussion on the question, so that the setting up of the Front has a firm base and consequently the required credibility and dynamic. At the same time we must have the greatest possible vigilance, because it is possible for things to change unexpectedly.

 

Without delaying the systematic work for the Front’s establishment, we can find a way to develop co-operation in particular fronts and rallying, provided, of course, these oppose, the dominant choices of pro-monopoly, imperialist policy. The co-operation and alliances around specific anti-imperialist demands and aims do not constitute the Front, as yet, however, they may constitute fields of rallying and testing, may become the streams, the torrents which will lead to the Front itself.

 

The formulation of particular fronts of struggle with a socio-political character of action, provides the possibility not to lose valuable joint action, wherever there is agreement, so as to try in practice how far we can broaden the coalition to the Front itself. In this way forces are concentrated, without taking the risk - under the anxiety of its quick establishment - to transform the Front into an alliance glued together in an opportunist manner; it is, therefore, exposed from the very start to the danger of splitting and ineffectiveness.

 

With the particular fronts of struggle and co-operation around anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly aims concerning acute problems, we accelerate proceedings towards the Front, without waiting passively for conditions to mature as a whole. The particular fronts of struggle may rally even broader forces from the point of view of participation in them of forces which want to act in the specific issue, without necessarily having achieved a total strategy of opposition to monopolies, imperialism and its unions.

 

Such rallying fronts do exist, are being built, or can be pushed forward to the big fields of battle which are already developing. We consider that some fronts of struggle can be strengthened even more, distinguish themselves, constitute seeds of the Front, streams, torrents towards it. If we want to accelerate the proceedings we consider that all of us must immediately move on the following basic fields, on which depends the rise of all political movements and their deeper politicisation-radicalisation:

 

1. Rallying against capitalist restructuring in the workers’ trade union movement, using as a starting point what already has been gained by the All workers Militant Front, which is supported not only by KKE but other political forces and formations. Mainly, however, it expresses the mood of the class forces in the trade union movement. The capitalist restructuring of the economy, industrial relations, social policy, the privatisation and the struggle against imperialist interventions, as well, against the country’s criminal participation are absolutely in the order of the current situation. An integral part of the struggle must be the issues of inequality and dual suppression of women, the problems of working youth, the acute problem of nutrition, the use of new technologies, the confrontation of intensified environmental problems, the country’s shielding against earthquakes. The life conditions of working people, the very intense problem of leisure time, of rest and recreation.

 

We must give all our forces to the struggle against capitalist restructuring, make our contribution so that desirable forms of social alliance are born and supported among the working class, the petty bourgeois strata of towns and the small and medium peasantry. The worker-peasant alliance performed miracles in many of the earth’s regions during the 20th century; in our country, as well, it assisted in winning many gains. Today it must march even further, be extended by the inclusion of other petty bourgeois strata of the urban centres and areas. By joint action with other social movements, of youth and women, the area of education, culture, environment, the movement against drugs.

 

2. A unified front of struggle against NATO’S new doctrine, against imperialist interventions, nuclear weapons, the rapid deployment forces which aim at the peoples, the movements, the right of national and political independence. There are absolutely urgent problems referring to the danger of new rounds of war in the Balkans, but also the policy of imperialist peace under the threat of war. There are absolutely urgent problems connected with the disputation of Greek sovereign rights in the Aegean, its turning into a NATO domain, with the permanent partition of Cyprus, the Palestinian question. Our region is full of hot beds of threats, war, change of borders, spreading of occupation armies.

 

3. A front of action for the defence of democratic liberties, the right to strike and participate in struggles against employer terror, the domestic and international forces of oppression, the offensive military forces, police apparatuses, in other words against any mechanism of power which, through NATO and the EU, has assumed the «right» to intervene and suppress the people’s movements, in order to police and spy on every one’s personal life.

 

4. We have to contribute to the mobilisation of forces from the working class, the youth, from all movements, from the people of art and culture, so that the intellectual and cultural atmosphere in our country starts changing. Today the frontal confrontation is needed with the phenomena of decay and corruption, the logic of fatalism and defeatism, individualism, the buying out of consciences, the submission of conscience, nationalism and racism, chauvinism and anti-communism. A climate needs to be created which will support the values of collective, organised action, of social and internationalist solidarity, of people’s initiative; the faith must be cultivated that when the people really want they can achieve anything.

 

5. There is an immediate need for us to develop to forms of co-ordination and co-operation with anti-monopoly anti-imperialist, radical progressive forces at a regional and international level, having as the starting point the joint workers’ struggle against NATO, the militarised EU, against the apparatuses of terror and suppression. The international dimension of the Greek struggle must be present in all every of its aspects and expressions. As far as we are concerned we will proceed faster in our effort to formulate more discernibly the joint action between the workers’ and communist parties and more broadly among anti-imperialist movements.

 

FOR SOCIALISM

 

 As far as it depends on us we will continue to search for the reason of the overthrow of existing socialism and the victory of counterrevolution. The criticism levelled at the CC that it did not try to open a broader debate among the Greek society about the real reasons, is correct; we did not shed sufficient light on the achievements and contribution of socialism. We left gaps which were exploited by those who wished to get rid of socialism. Unfortunately these are not the only ones who distort reality. Those also who fall into the trap of easy and superficial explanation of events, have their share of responsibility. We must, however, be fully aware that it is not possible for us, KKE on our own, to provide full answers if all the communist parties, Marxist scientists, above all those who lived through the building of socialism, had a first hand knowledge of events, do not engage themselves seriously with this task.

 

We will provide continuity of this process having as a starting point the estimations and speculations for the factors which determine the overthrow, adopted by the National Conference held on 15th-16th July, 1995. There are some basic estimations which must be studied again by party members, because without criteria and a compass the deeper and more complete answers will not be pinpointed. We focus on the most characteristic:

 

The system of internal contradictions in socialism was overlooked, giving rise to negative consequences which were reflected at the economic, social and political level. Lenin’s basic theoretical thoughts, in accordance to which, socialism is not free of contradictions and disagreements and that when these are ignored they assume the character of conflict, were underestimated. The process of unification of socialist society was overestimated and turned into an absolute, resulting in the non-detection and confrontation of discrepancies and discords, serious problems, to the degree required by the conditions.

The creative evolution was delayed and likely so the development and enrichment of theory by the experience of socialist building and the action of revolutionary forces. Gradually the leading, vanguard role of the party was lost and in parallel the party control was weakened and finally disappeared; likewise the party organisations and cadres were detached from the broad popular masses.

 

We need to study deeper the issues of socialist economy, the state, democracy. We will not, however, draw conclusions and lessons, we will not develop our thoughts in the modern conditions if we ignore the fact that socialism was built in conditions of imperialist encirclement, of constant confrontation with capitalism. We must not ignore the lessons extracted by the policy of export of counterrevolution developed in the form of Perestroika and the mottos for renewal and reconstruction. It is of importance to us not to overlook that a counterrevolutionary policy manages to win the consent or tolerance of broad popular masses. The very close relation of opportunism with the creation of the conditions for the prevailing of the counterrevolution.

 

We are of the opinion that some views expressed about socialism or the developments in the countries which have been attempting to build socialism in modern conditions, irrespective of whether they include correct underscores and concerns, exhibit a tendency of simplification in the face of the complex problems of socialist building.

 

We will continue our efforts for clarifying the questions of socialism, not only by looking at yesterday but by studying the modern developments, as well. Not only ourselves will come out of this process as winners, more militant and capable, but the people as well.

 

The Communist Party as a conscious section of the working class, expressing the interests of other working people, is different from the parties representing the other social classes its character, mission, ideology and organisational principles. We oppose the capitalist system, we act for the organisation and revolutionisation of broad working people masses, we struggle for the militant solidarity among peoples, for the building of a socialist, a communist society. For this reason we are active and consistent in the people’s daily struggles, the struggle for peace, social democratic rights, national independence, the right of every people to be able to determine its present and future. In the past our Party was confronted with complex problems, whether the movement was on the upsurge or in a phase of temporary retreat or abatement; the same also applies today and will apply in future. Every step taken forward will add new duties and responsibilities.

 

Let the debate begin bearing the feeling of high responsibility. Although it is known, we may repeat it here: During the century that passed, all the gains of the working class bore the seal of communist participation, in the social, patriotic and class struggles.

 

The struggle against monopolies and imperialism, the fight to overthrow capitalism requires sacrifices. However these sacrifices cannot compare to those made by the people on the altar of big capital.

 

 

The CC of KKE December 2000.

 

 


e-mail:cpg@int.kke.gr
Documents




 
 

Home | News | Campaigns | About KKE | Documents | International Meetings | On the EU | Theory & Socialism | Other Articles | About Greece | Photos / Music | Printings | Red Links | Contacts


Communist Party of Greece – Central Committee
145 leof.Irakliou, Gr- 14231 Athens tel:(+30) 210 2592111 - fax: (+30) 210 2592298
http://inter.kke.gr - e-mail: cpg@int.kke.gr

Powered by Plone